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ACHASUS ....... 1 

The Raconquest of the East .14 

The Conquest of Palestine .... 29 

The Advance in the West .... 39 

The War in Qreece ..... 72 


The Wab in Asia ...... 88 

The Interval of Peace .115 



Antiochus the Qod Manifwi .148 




Antiochur and thb Jbws 






Demetrius the Saviour 


Alexander I and the Ptolemaic Abcendanct 




The Cretan Tyranny 



Antioohus Sidetes . 


The Last Convulsions 


Government, Court, and^Army 







Antioohus III, Profile (^from a bust in the Louvre) 
Plate II . 
- Ill . 



Map of the Theatre of the War in Greece 


To face page 60 






PoLYB. — I cite Polybiufi according to the arrangement in the edition of 
F. Hultsch (Berlin). 

Joseph. — The sections in citations from Josephus are those which appear 
in the editions of Niese (Berlin) and of Naber (Teubner, Leipzig). 

Plin. — The Naturalit Historia of Pliny the Ellder is cited by Uie sections 
in the edition of D. Detlefsen (Berlin). 

Eus. — Eusebi Chronicorum Libri Duo, A. Schoene (Berlin). Vol. i. 
contains a Latin version of the Armenian translation of the lost 
work of Eusebius. 

IsioOR. — The Sra^/xoi UapOiKoi of Isidore of Charax (Miiller's Geographi 
Graeci Minores, vol. i. p. 244 f.). 

Malalas, Syncell. — The Chronographia of John Malalas and that of 
George Syncellus are cited by the pages in the Carpus Scriptorum 
Historiae Byzantinae (Bonn). 

FJS.G. — Mailer's Fragmenta Historieorum Graecorum (Didot, Paris). 

CJ.G. — Boeckh's Corpus Inscriptionwn Graecarum, 

CLAtt, — The Corpus Inscriptionum AtHearum. 

J.H.S, — Journal of Hellenic Studies. 

Bull corr. hell — Bulletin de correspondance hdUSnique. 

Ath, Mitth, — Mittheilungen des kaiserlichen deutschen archiiologisehen 
Instituts zu Athen. 

Droysen. — J. G. Droysen, Histoire de rH^lUnisme, traduite de Tallemand 
sous la direction de A. Bouch^-Leclercq. [I quote from the French 
translation, because it represents this work in its completest form.] 

Niese. — Benedictus Niese, GeschichU der grieehdschen und makedonischen 
Staaten seit der Schlacht bei ChUronea. 

ScHURsa — Emil Schiirer, Geschickte des jOdischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu 
Christi. The pages in vq1& IL and iii. are those of the last edition 
(the third) of 1898, in yoL i of the edition of 1901. 

« • 



Michel. — Charles Michel, Recueil d^ Inscriptions Grecques (Paris, 1900). I 
cite from this collection, wherever i)0SKible, as contaiiiing the largest 
number of important inscriptions. It gives the numlx^r of every 
inscription in other well-known previous collections. The edition of 
Dittenbciger's Sylloge, which has appeared subsequently, has iUmlf a 
register which enables any one using it to identify an inscription by 
its number in Michel 

Babelon. — Ernest Ba1>cl(m, Les Rois de Syrie, d^Arm^ie et de Comfnaghne. 

Pauly-Wissowa. — Paul/s Real-EncyclopUdie dcr dassiachen AltertuniS' 
wissenschaft, Neue Bearbeitimg herausgegeben von Georg Wissowa. 

SitzungsK Berl, — Sitzun^jsherichte der konig. kaiserL Akadeinie der Wisseii- 
schaften zu Berlin, 



Of all the potentates who bore the name of king in Asia 
Minor, Achaeus was now the most powerful.^ He had 
recovered from Attains the territory which had belonged to 
the Seleucid house before its unhappy divisions. His wife, 
Laodice, was a daughter of King Mithridates, sister therefore 
to the Laodice who was the queen of Antiochus.^ She was 
the princess who had been placed in the hands of Antiochus 
Hierax, and had by him been confided to the care of Logbasis 
the Selgian.' Once more there was a king who could invite the 
cities to look to Sardis, rather than to Pergamos, for the strong 
rule which should curb the forces of disorder. 

But Attalus, though overborne, was not crushed. His 
armies had been driven out of the regions they had lately 
commanded. Except Pergamos nothing was left him. But 
in Pergamos he maintained himself.^ And the glamour of his 
glorious Gallic wars still invested him in the eyes of the 
Greeks ; his influence was too well grounded to disappear even 
now. When Byzantium was on the point of a war with 
Ehodes it solicited the help of loth princes.* It was, however, 
really Achaeus in these days who counted ; and the idea of 
his supporting the Byzantines was so alarming to the Bhodians 

^ fiap^arot Ijy rlrrt koX ^opepi^TUTOt rQnf iirl rdde rov Ta6pov ficuriXitay Kal 
dwaurrdp, Polyb. iv. 48, 12. 

» Polyb. vui. 22, 11. « Polyb. ▼. 74, 6. 

* dxc W fipax^tav rifrt ^onHfif Cn Ai» vr* 'Ax<uoG tfi^^eXiyXo/i^vof tit r^p rar/Hfiav 
dpx^t Polyb. iv. 48, 2. rbp itkw'ArraKoif els adrd rb Uipya/iop <nW«rXci0'e, T«r W 
Xotrwr rdirruv 1^ iyKparfp^ Und. 11. 

» Polyb. iv. 48, 1. 

VOL. n ^ 


that they stretched their influence at the Ptolemaic court to 
the utmost point in order to procure the release of his father, 
Andromachus, who had been taken prisoner in one of the late 
wars. By this move they purchased Achaeus' neutrality.^ 

Attalus, so long as he retained the nucleus of his power, 
continued to be a menace to Achaeus. Nor did Achaeus find 
an ally in the Bithynian king. Ziaelas, whose daughter 
Antiochus Hierax had married, had been murdered at the 
time of the Gallic wars by some Galatians in his service ; ^ 
the present King, his son Prusias, was little friendly either 
to Achaeus or Attains. The complete victory of either would, 
he knew, leave him face to face with a strong Hellenic king 
who would be a most inconvenient neighbour. Meantime, he 
was extremely glad to see the two Hellenic kings pitted against 
each other. He was furious with the Byzantines because they 
had tried to reconcile them.^ And what Prusias felt was 
also felt by every petty dynast who ruled in this or that 
comer of the hills ; should Achaeus succeed in framing a 
strong kingdom in Asia Minor, it would be an evil day for 
the smaller powers.* The Greek cities were devoted to 
Attains. Lampsacus, Alexandria Troas and Ilion openly 
maintained his cause.^ Smyrna, so faithful in former days to 
the house of Seleucus, now showed the same fidelity to the 
Pergamene king, and only yielded to the overwhelming power 
of Achaeus. Among the other cities which had been con- 
strained to subnet to Achaeus, but longed for Attains, mention 
is made of Cyme, Phocaea, Teos and Colophon.* These cir- 
cumstances may help to explain why Achaeus did not venture 
to leave Asia Minor even when the situation in Syria seemed 
to give him so excellent an opportunity. 

In the summer of 218, whilst Antiochus was campaigning 
in Palestine, Achaeus extended his power in a new direction. 

» Polyb. iv. 61. 

" Trog. Prol, zzvii. ; Phylarch. ap. Athen. ii. 68 c ; Polyb. v. 90, 1. 

« Polyb. iv. 49, 2 ; cf. v. 77, 1. 

^ TcUrt 8* Ijiif 0o^ep6f «rai /3a/>i>t roif iwX rddt roO Ta^pw Karoucmiffi, Polyb. v. 
77. 1. » Polyb. ▼. 78, 6. 

' Ibid, 77, 4 f. Ephesus, the Greek cities of Cam, and to a large extent 
the sonthem coast were, it will be remembered, subject to Ptolemy, who, as the 
negotiations after Baphia show, was friendly to Achaeus. 


He was perhaps determined to be king of Asia Minor indeed, 
and to deal resolutely with those problems which the disturbed 
Macedonian rule, no less than the old slipshod Oriental, had 
hitherto neglected. A serious attempt to subjugate the 
southern hills was at last made. The opportunity to inter* 
vene was given Achaeus by a petty war between Selge and 
Pednelissus. Selge was the most powerful of those Pisidian 
mountain-states who waged perpetual war not only with the 
kings of Asia, but with each other. Pednelissus, finding itself 
straitly besi^ed, appealed to King Achaeus. His general, 
Garsyeris, was at once sent to its relief, and was joined on his 
appearance by the other conmiimities which were of the anti* 
Selgian faction in Pisidia, such as the Greek city of Aspendus. 
Side, on the other hand, held aloof, " partly in order to gain 
favour with Antiochus, but chiefly because of their enmity 
with Aspendus."^ After a chequered struggle among the 
hills Garsyeris succeeded in driving the Selgian bands from 
Pednelissus, and presently laid siege to Selge itsel£ 

There was still living in Selge at this time the man who 
had been the friend of Antiochus Hierax, and under whose 
roof the queen of Achaeus had grown up, Logbasis. He was 
now chosen by his fellow-citizens to open negotiations with 
the besiegers. In supposing him to be a persona grata with 
the people of Achaeus they were not wrong ; they had, however, 
mistaken his own inclinations. So soon as he W£ls closeted 
with Garsyeris he offered to betray the city into the hands of 

Garsyeris immediately sent swift messages to bring Achaeus 
to the spot And meanwhile he amused the city with deceptive 
negotiations. Achaeus arrived, and the attempt was made to 
seize the city by a sudden attack, in which Logbasis and his 
accomplices had been instructed to co-operate from within. 
But at a moment as critical as this, the splendid promptitude 
of the Selgians foiled the plot The escape nevertheless had 
been so narrow that they felt the wisdom of coming to terms. 
They consented to buy peace with a heavy fine and release the 
Pednelissian prisoners. 

It was now that Achaeus spread the terror of his arms 

1 Polyb. V. 78, 8. 


through the mountain region between Lycia and Cilicia, 
breaking the immemorial independence of the warlike tribes. 
He established his authority over Milyas and the greater part 
of Pamphylia. But the campaign which extended his power 
in one direction also showed on what insecure foundations it 
rested, how ill he could afford to be absent for a moment from 
his seat of government. His back had hardly been turned 
when Attains issued out of Pergamos with a new-come band 
of Gauls, and was received by the Greek cities generally with 
open arms. Cyme, Smyrna and Phocaea were the first to 
join him. Aegae and Temnus did not dare to resist. Teos 
and Colophon sent their envoys. Attains made a triumphant 
promenade through the kingdom of Achaeus, taking on his 
way the fortress of Didyma-Teiche, which Themistocles, the 
commander put there by Achaeus, delivered into his hand.^ 
He was encamped on the afternoon of September 1, 218 B.c. 
(as we should reckon) near the river Megistus (probably the 
same as the Macestus), when the moon was darkened by an 
eclipse which, as the shades of evening deepened, became 
total.^ The Gallic bands, who had already been grumbling at 
the labour of a march which involved lugging their women 
and children along with them in waggons, were terrified. 
They clamoured to be allowed to return to Europe, and 
Attains was obliged to promise that they should be conducted 
to the Hellespont. If he had had any design of proceeding 
farther, it had to be abandoned. He returned to Pergamos. 
His expedition had at any rate dealt a blow to the power and 
prestige of Achaeus in the north-west 

When Achaeus returned with fresh laurels from the 
Pisidian hills the war between Sardis and Pergamos was 
resumed, and went on without a break till the Seleucid Eling 
at last appeared in the land to claim his own. 

^ Although Polybius gives us several names, Muo-wv Karouctai, Carseai or 
Carseis, Didyma-Teiohe, Pelecas, the river Megistus, their identification is still 
to seek, and we cannot consequently trace the course of Attains. The bold 
theory of Radet, Revue dee UhiversiUs du Midi, nouv. s^r. ii. (1896), p. 1 f. will 
probably commend itself to few. It is combated by Niese (iL p. 891, note 6), 
and by HoUeauz, Bevue dee Univ, du liidi, iii. p. 409 f. 

« Niese ii. p. 779. 


In the summer of 216 ^ Antiochus led across the Taurus 
the army he had spent the last year in preparing. It was the 
first time that he stood as king in this land which his house 
had striven so long to possess, but which, as he found it now, 
was parcelled out among five kings, a number of smaller 
dynasts, the house of Ptolemy, the free Greek cities, and the 
mountain tribes. In the person of Antiochvs III the house of 
Seleiicus makes its crovming attempt to master Asia Minor, It 
was at Achaeus alone that for the present his attack was 
directed. And in making it he had two things mainly in his 
favour. One was the hold which the Seleucid name had upon 
the Macedonian soldiery. The other was the mutual hostility 
of those powers which had divided the Seleucid inheritance 
amongst them. When the last Seleucid king, Antiochus' 
brother, had crossed the Taurus, Attains was the enemy; 
to-day Attcdus and Antiochus were ready to combine against 
Achaeus.^ Achaeus apparently had no friend but Egypt, and 
Egypt under Ptolemy IV was more the broken reed than ever. 
" Their strength is to sit still." ^ 

Of the course of the war no record is preserved. When 
the darkness breaks Achaeus has been driven from the field. 
Sardis alone remains to him. To this almost impregnable city 
Antiochus is laying siege (214). Then the story acquires for 
a moment peculiar vividness. 

An incessant series of skirmishes, assaults and stratagems 
had led to no result. The besiegers were resigning themselves 
to the distant prospect of reducing the city by starvatioD. But 
the general discouragement was not shared by Lagoras the 
Cretan. He was convinced that a way could be found of 
entering the city. Its very strength would put the defenders 
off their guard, and its most precipitous points be the most 
remissly guarded. With this fixed idea his eyes day by day 
studied the ramparts. There W£ls at one place a ravine, into 
which the besieged shot their refuse, and the Cretan observed 
that when the birds rose from it they habitually settled upon 

' Niese ii. p. 392, note 1. 

' That Attalufi and Antiochus co-operated we know, but the terms of their 
alliance are impossible to discoyer. See Niese iL p. 392, note 3. 
s Isaiah 30, 7. 


the rocks and masonry above ; there then was no neighbour- 
hood of men. At night he would clamber about those rocks, 
scrutinizing every spot where foot or ladder could hold. At 
last his scheme was complete, and he carried it to the King. 
Antiochus approved the enterprise, and allowed him to take 
as his associates in command Theodotus the Aetolian and 
Dionysius, the commander of the hypaspistai} A night was 
chosen when there would be no moon in the hours before 
dawn. Fifteen men had been picked in the evening from the 
whole army to go up with the three and set the ladders. 
Another thirty had been chosen to wait a little way below. 
As soon as the fifteen had cleared the wall they were to beset 
a certain door from within ; the thirty were to rush up and 
hack at the hinges and lintel without. A third body of 2000 
men were to hold themselves in readiness still further in the 
rear to dash through the door as soon as it was opened, and 
occupy the theatre. In order that these dispositions might 
not set the camp talking it was given out that, according to 
intelligence received, a reinforcing body of Aetolians would 
shortly attempt to enter the city by one of the ravines, and it 
was necessary to have special pickets on the alert. 

By night, as soon as the moon was down, the several parties 
took their stations under the cliffs. When morning broke, 
the camp observed no change in the ordinary routine : the out- 
posts were relieved as usual and the army assembled for 
parade in the hippodrome outside the city. But as Lagoras 
and Dionysius mounted their ladders they came into view of 
those below, although not of those above, and soon the figures 
on the dizzy cliff attracted general attention. The excitement 
in the camp, the upward stare, were observed by the watchers in 
the city, but Achaeus was only mystified and uneasy. He 
nevertheless detailed a body of soldiers to reinforce the wall at 
the part pointed at, but the passage thither being steep and 
narrow, it took a long time to reach it. 

Meanwhile Antiochus, apprehensive that the stir among 
the troops might betray the design, made a diversion by attack- 
ing the " Persian Gate " on the opposite side of the city. And 

^ Aetolians, like Cretans, would be born monntaineers ; the hypaspistai were 
regularly employed by Alexander for steep places. 


the movement succeeded Aribazus, the governor of the city, 
drew his garrison thither to meet it. manned the waU, and 
made a sortie to engage the attacking columns. Then the door 
on the cliff was forced ; the two thousand occupied the theatre. 
Aribazus was taken between two enemies ; in his haste to re- 
enter the city he could not prevent the body which he had 
engaged entering with him. The Persian Gate was captured, 
and soon through the neighbouring gates as well the besiegers 
were pouring in. There was, of course, no hope now of saving 
the town; Aribazus and his troops withdrew, after a short 
struggle, into the citadel Once more in its history Sardis was 
given up to massacre, pillage and devastation. 

Achaeus still held out with a handful of troops in the citadel 
But he was in a trap. His only hope lay now in the chance 
of getting through the lines of the besiegers by surprise or 
stealth, and making good his escape to the hills or to Egyptian 
territory. Egypt, though it would not take overt action to save 
him, was still not indifferent to his fate. 

A little while after the capture of the lower city of Sardis 
two men were closeted in a chamber in Alexandria. One was 
the prime minister of Egypt, Sosibius ; the other was a Cretan 
condottiere in the service of King Ptolemy, called Bolis. 
Sosibius had for some time been narrowly observing his man. 
His examination had satisfied him ; now he spoke. " My friend, 
your fortune with the King is made if you can get Achaeus out 
of his predicament The means would be left to your own 
contrivance. Will you undertake it ? " When Bolis answered, 
it was to ask for time to turn it over. Then the two men 

In two or three days they were again together. Bolis 
undertook the adventure. He then went on to tell Sosibius of 
a promising circumstance. Cambylus, who commanded the 
Cretan corps in the army of Antiochus, was not only the 
countryman of Bolis, but his intimate friend. The prime 
minister caught eagerly at the possibilities conveyed. He con- 
gratulated himself on his choice of an instrument " If there 
is any one," he exclaimed, " who can extricate Achaeus, I have 
him here ! " 

It remained only to arrange certain details. For money, 


Bolls must understand the Egyptian court would see to that ; 
here were ten talents out of hand, and unlimited sums to 
follow. Certain letters he would have to carry with him. 
Sosibius held in his hand the thread of old negotiations between 
Sardis and Alexandria. The letters would put Bolis into 
connexion with one Nicomachus in Rhodes, and with Melan- 
comas in Ephesus. These men had been the confidential agents 
of Achaeus in former days. Nicomachus was believed to love 
him as a son. All was soon settled. With an assured heart 
Sosibius saw his instrument launched upon his dark errand. 

Bolis disembarked at Rhodes, concerted plans with Nico- 
machus, and proceeded to Ephesus. Here he duly came into 
touch with Melancomas. The next step was to communicate 
with Cambylus, the commander of Antiochus* Cretans. Bolis 
wished to meet him in absolute secrecy. A subordinate there- 
fore whom he had with him, called Arianus, was dispatched to 
the camp before Sardis. He was to tell Cambylus that his friend 
Bolis had just landed at Ephesus on a recruiting commission 
for King Ptolemy, and that there were one or two matters he 
should like to discuss with Cambylus privately. Arianus 
reached Sardis to find that Cambylus and the Cretan corps, by 
what seemed an extraordinary piece of luck, had been detached 
to guard one of the approaches of the citadel where the ground 
did not admit the regular barricades. * He delivered his message. 
Cambylus lent a ready ear. Certainly, if Bolis would come to 
such and such a place at such an hour of a night he named, 
Cambylus would be there to meet him. This Arianus carried 

The night came, and two Cretan captains talked in secret 
together under the citadel of Sardis. One was the agent of 
Ptolemy, the other in the employ of Antiochus, but in solitude 
together they made light of such transitory engagements, and 
remembered only that they were Cretans, whose business in 
life was simply to do the best for themselves. Bolis revealed 
the whole lie of the business to his friend, showed him the 
letter he bore from the Egyptian court, and put it plainly to 
him to consider how they could best turn the immense issues 
which lay in their hands to their own profit. They would act 
together — that was understood. The only question was, should 


Bolis betray Ptolemy and Achaeus, or should Cambylus betray 
Antiochus ? The fate of kings and the destiny of nations was 
being decided that night by the whispers of the two condottieri 
under the stars. 

It was decided that the richest harvest oould be reaped by 
immediately sharing the ten talents given by Sosibius, and then 
making Antiochus the offer to possess him of the person of 
Achaeus. Cambylus was to explain things to Antiochus ; Bolis 
was to open communications with Achaeus. The way in 
which Bolis intended to proceed was, first to send his sub- 
ordinate Arianus into the citadel to carry to Achaeus letters in 
cypher from Nicomachus and Melancomas. Cambylus, of 
course, was to see to it that Arianus passed safely to and fro 
through the Seleucid lines. If Achaeus put faith in these 
letters he would reply, and then Bolis would tender his services 
and lure him into the snare. Such waa the arrangement. 

Each of the Cretans now set about his part. Cambylus 
obtained an interview with Antiochus and told him what was 
on foot To Antiochus it seemed too good to be true. Of 
course, if they captured Achaeus, no reward would be too 
great, but he suspected something tricky in the business and 
probed every detail of their designs. It all held together. At 
last Antiochus doubted no more, and was simply beside himself 
with impatience to see the astonishing plan carried through. 

Meantime Bolis had gone back to Melancomas at Ephesus, 
radiant. He and Nicomachus would be delighted to hear that 
Cambylus was quite willing to join them. Bolis proposed to 
send Arianus at once into the citadel to apprise Achaeus that his 
deliverance was at hand. Only he must carry credentials from 
the men whom Achaeus trusted. Nicomachus and Melancomas 
made no difficulty about that. Letters were drawn up in 
cypher which informed Achaeus who the bearer was, and told 
him that he might have complete faith in Bolls and Cambylus. 

These letters Arianus carried through, Cambylus conveying 
him. It had been thought prudent not to tell Arianus the 
real plot, but allow him to suppose that he was being employed 
in the original design of rescuing Achaeus. He was shown 
into the presence of Achaeus and delivered his letters. 
Achaeus read them through. This man who brought them 


waj9 strange to him; the men to whom he was asked to 
commit his person and life were no friends of his ; one of them 
was actually in the service of his enemy; but here beyond 
doubt were the hands of Nicomachus and Melancomas. Achaeus 
cross-questioned Arianus narrowly. And having been employed 
by Bolis from the beginning, and being himself innocent of 
treachery, Arianus was able to face Achaeus with self-possession 
and give a full and satisfactory answer to all his interrogations. 
The issues were too tremendous for rashness, and Achaeus was 
not new to the world, but the unexpected door of hope seemed 
worth trying further. Achaeus would correspond with his 
friends without So Arianus carried back an answer. 
This was replied to, and Achaeus wrote again, Arianus 
being still the intermediary. At last Achaeus came to 
a decision. He would put himself into the hands of these 
men. It was, at any rate, his only chance left. His idea, if 
he could once escape from the toils, was to make a dash upon 
Syria and call the Greek and Macedonian colonies to revolt. 
He conceived that in Phoenicia, Ccele-Syria and in Antioch 
itself there would be many to welcome his appearance.^ 

Achaeus wrote finally to Melancomas. Let Bolis and 
Arianus present themselves on a certain night he named, when 
there would be no moon, and he would commit himself to them. 
Before that night came Bolis was again with Cambylus under 
the stars at some lonely spot near the Seleucid camp. They 
had now to arrange every detail of the capture. Their plan 
was as follows. If Achaeus came out of the citadel alone, or 
with a single attendant, it would be simple ; he would fall an 
• easy prey. But if he came with a retinue — there was the 
problem. Antiochus made a great point of his being captured 
alive. It was therefore arranged that in descending the path 
from the citadel Arianus should go first, since he had been 
over the ground so often, Achaeus next, and Bolis immediately 
behind him. Then, when the spot was reached where 
Cambylus would be waiting with an ambush, Bolis would leap 
upon Achaeus and hold him fast, so that he should not dive 
into the scrub and slip away, or, supposing he were desperate, 
throw himself down the cliif. 

1 See vol. i. p. 320. 


It was still dark when Cambylus returned to the tents, 
bringing Bolis with him. He was now to be presented to the 
King. They went together, and no fourth person was admitted 
to the interview. When they came out of the royal tent it 
was not the fault of Antiochus if Bolis had failed to conceive 
the immensity of the rewards which awaited him. As it grew 
near dawn Bolis went up with Arianus and entered into the 

Achaeus at last saw his deliverer, and he gave him a 
suitable welcome. A little converse left him no doubt as to 
the calibre of this Cretan captain as a man of action. And 
his hopes rose wildly as the time approached. Then again there 
were moments when the horrible magnitude of his hazard swept 
over him. If BoUs were false ? Two strong wits were indeed 
matched, and Achaeus had yet to make a move on which 
Bolis had not calculated. Bolis was suddenly informed that 
Achaeus found it after all impossible for him to leave at the 
time arranged; he wished, however, to send certain of his 
friends, some three or four men, with Bolis, in order that 
they might communicate with Melancomas. After that 
Achaeus would prepare to come himself. In this way did 
Achaeus strive, as Polybius says, to " out-Cretan a Cretan." 

The night came. Achaeus ordered Bolis and Arianus to 
go on ahead and wait outside the door from which the 
precipitous path ran down; the friends he was dispatching 
would duly present themselves. All this time Achaeus had 
kept his intended venture from his wife Laodice. He had 
now to break it to her and take his leave. His last moments 
in the citadel were spent in the terrible farewell, in his 
endeavours to soothe and encourage the queen, who was 
naturally beside herself with the shock. Then he started for 
the gate with four companions. 

After Bolis and Arianus had waited some time outside, 
five men issued from the gate. They were all in common 
garments. One spoke for the rest and explained that his 
four attendants were barbarians and did not understand 
Greek. Then they all began the descent, Arianus leading 
and Bolis bringing up the rear. 

For this BoUs had not been prepared. Was Achaeus of 


the party or not ? He had scrutinized the faces of the five, 
but it was too dark to distinguish any featurea The whole 
success of Achaeus' plan now hung upon his keeping Bolis 
mystified till they had reached safety. The fault of his 
companions betrayed liim. When they came to very steep 
and breakneck places in the descent, some of the men instinct- 
ively gave their king a hand or grasped him from behind. 
These momentary movements did not escape the lynx eyes 
which watched from the rear. Suddenly Bolis whistled. 
Cambylus and his party leapt from their ambush. Bolis 
threw his arms about Achaeus, clothes and all, so that he 
could not free his hands from his cloak. He had indeed a knife 
girt upon hun, ready in case of capture. Even this Bolis 
had guessed. 

Antiochus had spent an evening of impatient suspense. 
His suite had been at last dismissed and he sat alone in his 
tent, only two or three of the bodyguard in attendance. 
Suddenly the party of Cambylus came softly in out of the 
dai*kness and set a man upon the ground, tied hand and foot. 

"The suddenness and strangeness of it so overwhelmed 
Antiochus that for a long time no voice came. At last, 
touched in some human fibre, he broke into tears. And his 
emotion, I take it, was inspired by seeing how impossible to 
guard against, how incalculable, are the surprises of destiny. 
This Achaeus was the son of Andromachus, who was brother 
to Laodice, Seleucus' queen; he was the husband of Laodice, 
the daughter of Mithridates the King, and he had held in 
his hand the whole country this side of the Taurua And 
now at a time when all his forces and the forces of his enemy 
believed him to be lodged in the strongest place of the world, 
he sat bound upon the earth, the sport of his foes, whilst no 
single creature as yet knew the truth, except those who had 
had a hand in the deed." ^ 

When the " Friends " assembled at daybreak, according to 
custom, in the royal tent, they were no less overwhelmed than 
the King had been at the sight that met them — the bound 
man upon the ground. Antiochus held a council on the doom 
of the rebel. His first generous emotion did not hold, or he 

1 Polyb. viU. 22, 9 f. 


was overborne by his advisers. Achaeus, in accordance with 
the Council's vote, was first mutilated, then beheaded. The 
head was sewn up in the skin of an ass, the trunk hung upon 
a cross. In the punishment of rebels the Seleucid King kept, 
as in the case of Melon, to the Oriental tradition. 

In the citadel no one but Laodice knew of Achaeus' 
going forth. Next day the tumult and signs of rejoicing 
descried in the enemy's camp told her that the venture had 
failed. Presently a herald presented himself, announced her 
husband's fate, and ordered her to make immediate dispositions 
to evacuate the citadel. It was the first intimation that the 
defenders of the citadel had that their king was gone. A great 
cry ran through the place, a cry less of grief than horror at 
the terrible unexpectedness of the blow. But the demand for 
surrender was repelled. Laodice held desperately on. It was, 
of course, only a question of a short time. Factions broke 
out among the defenders. A party headed by Aribazus, the 
old governor of the city, refused to obey the queen. Then 
each party surrendered, lest the other should be beforehand in 
doing so (213). The Seleucid King held the western capital 
of his ancestors. 

The ancient historian cannot avoid moralizing on the fate 
of Achaeus. "In two ways he is a not unprofitable lesson 
for times to come ; we are taught first to be slow to put our 
trust in any one ; secondly, not to glory in prosperity, but to 
be ready for all chances, remembering we are but men." ^ 

1 Polyb. viii. 23, 10. 



With the end of Achaeus a great cloud falls upon Seleucid 
history. Antiochus has regained Asia Minor, or at any rate 
that strip through the middle of it which the Seleucid court 
considered it of first importance to control But the Pergamene 
king remains to be dealt with. He was the original enemy 
whom Seleucus III and Achaeus set out to subdue. Circum- 
stances had made him since then, it is true, the ally of 
Antiochus III, and his services in that capacity were entitled 
to recognition. Some arrangement must, of course, have been 
come to between the two kings after the fall of Achaeus, but 
what frontier was agreed upon between the Pergamene and 
Seleucid realms we cannot say.^ Whatever the arrangement 
was, it could not be more than a temporary one. Inevitably 
with the removal of Achaeus the old antagonism between 
Peigamos and the Seleucid house revived. It was impossible 
for the latter to foiget that Attains had once supplanted it in 
all its territoiy beyond the Taurus, or, remembering it, to regard 
him as inoffensive. The situation in Asia Minor remained one 
of uneasy balance. 

The destruction of Achaeus marks a period in the restoration 
of the Seleucid Empire by Antiochus III. Its extent at the 
present moment was roughly what it had been in the latter 
years of Antiochus II. Since the fearful shock given by 
Ptolemy Euergetes to the Empire, the Seleucid strip of Asia 

^ At Ketshi-Agyl, two kilometres south of Cape Hydra (Litza Bumu), the 
words 'Opoi U€pyafiriPiiif have been found engraTed upon the rock, BuJL eorr, 
KM. y. (1881), pw 288. But it is not known to what date the words apply. 



Minor, the provinces of the Euphrates and Tigris, and Nearer 
Ir4n had never till now been firmly reunited with Syria 
under a single hand. And this extent of territory is just that 
which the house of Seleucus was resolved to govern directly, 
to treat as the essential body of the Empire. The countries 
beyond this limit, which the Macedonians had never really 
conquered, or which had fallen away from the Seleucids before 
the death of Antiochus II, were put (for the present at all 
events) in a different category. It was recognized that to 
attempt to hold them in the same way as Lydia or Media 
would overtax the strength of the central government In 
these countries the Seleucids were content to see subordinate 
dynasties, Greek or Asiatic, bearing rule. Their policy took 
the line of binding these other houses to themselves by alliances 
and royal marriages, and, where they had at any moment 
sufficient power, compelling an acknowledgment of their 
overlordship. In a sense, then, these countries form an outside 
sphere of the Seleucid Empire, although from the nature of the 
case the relations fluctuate with the momentary distribution 
of actual strength. In the treatment allotted to the vanquished 
we see this distinction of the outer and inner sphere marked. 
Molon and Achaeiis are treated with the extreme rigour shown 
by the Oriental tradition towards rebels. In the outer sphere 
we see the vanquished admitted to terms, and peace, if possible, 
sealed by a royal marriage. 

Antiochus, having achieved the restoration of the inner 
sphere, went on to restore the outer. Unfortunately the cloud 
covers the whole of this process, except for a few rifts. And 
yet it was his exploits in this direction which were his chief 
glory in contemporary eyes, and won him the title of " Great 

In Asia Minor the situation as regards the subordinate 
dynasties did not call for any immediate readjustment. A viodus 
Vivendi had been found with Attains, the two Persian houses 
of Pontic and Southern Cappadocia were friendly and allied ; 
the Bithynian king would be drawn to the house of Seleucus 
by the fear of Attains. It was in Armenia, where Xerxes 
of Arsamosata had ceased to pay tribute, it was in Further 
Ir&n, that the Seleucid authority most needed reassertion. 


It seems to be in the year 212 ^ that we get the first rift 
in the cloud. Antiochus has penetrated into the mountain 
region of Armenia. Xerxes has shut himself up in his 
capital Arsamosata,^ and Antiochus, sitting down before it, 
makes preparations for a siege. At an early stage of the 
operations Xerxes escapes to some corner of the lulls ; then, 
as the siege goes on, he begins to fear that the fall of 
Arsamosata will entail the loss of his whole kingdom. He 
therefore sends messengers to Antiochus begging for a personal 
interview. Some of the royal Council urge Antiochus to seize 
the occasion in order to make Xerxes a prisoner, and advise 
that as soon as the town has fallen, Mithridates, the son of 
Antiochus' sister, should be put in Xerxes' place.' Antiochus, 
however, prefers to follow the policy of attaching Xerxes to 
his house by friendly allianca He grants the interview, and 
remits a large proportion of the arrears of tribute due from 
Xerxes and his father. The demand which Xerxes is obliged 
to meet is for 300 talents, 1000 horses and 1000 mules. 
The affairs of the kingdom are regulated in the Seleucid 
interest, and Xerxes, who is still young, is given Antiochis, 
the sister of Antiochus, to wife. The generosity of this treat- 
ment wins Antiochus the hearts of the Armeniana^ So far 
Polybius ; the sequel to the story puts the Seleucid policy in a 
somewhat different light. Xerxes gave fresh dissatisfaction to 
his overlord, and his wife Antiochis was employed to make 
away with him.* 

The expedition into Armenia seems to have immediately 

' The eighth book of Polybius, to which the fragment belongs, does not seem 
to go later than 01. 141, 4. 

^ This seems to be the right form of the name, not Armosata, as the MSS. 
read in Polybius. 

* He is caUed vlbs r^r ddcX^ a^ov icard 4>6ffiv. This has led Bku {Zeitseh, /. 
JVum. yiL p. 85) and Babelon {JRois de SyrU, p. cxct) to regard him as the 
natural son of Antiochis, in our sense of the word. But this, as Niese points 
out (iL p. 397) is an error. The expression icard ^ffi» in Greek is not natunU 
as opposed to legitimate^ but as opposed to adoptive, xarik Oieuf, Mithridates 
was actually the son of the sister of Antiochus, but by adoption he was the son 
of somebody else. Of whom ? It is not said, but this very silence suggests 
that it was of Antiochus himself. I suspect that he is the same Mithridates 
who is mentioned as the son of Antiochus in Livy zzxiii. 19, 9. 

* Polyb. viiL 26. 

B John of Antioch, F,H,0, ir. p. 657. See Appendix A. 


followed the reduction of the trans-Tauric provinces. How 
long an interval separated it from the great expedition into 
Further Ir^ln it is impossible to say. The appearance of fresh 
cuneiform tablets might decide the question. Antiochus III 
seems at the time of his leaving Syria to have associated his 
son Antiochus, a child of about ten years, with himself on the 
throne. This was obviously, as in the case of Antiochus IV 
and Antiochus Eupator under similar circumstances, a measure 
to prevent a dangerous vacancy, should the reigning king meet 
with any fatal mischance at a distance from the seat of 
government We may therefore conclude that so long as 
Antiochus III is given as sole king in legal documents the 
expedition is still future. Unfortunately, no documents have 
been found of the years between 100 aer. Sel. (October 212- 
October 211 B.c.) and 104 aer. SeL (208-207 B.C.); in the 
former Antiochus III is sole king, in the latter his son is 
already associated with him.^ 

The two chief independent powers which had sprung up 
in the East were, of course, the ArsaiCid dynasty in Parthia 
and the Greek kingdom in Bactria. It is convenient that the 
openings in the cloud are so arranged that we have a glimpse 
of each of the struggles thus entailed upon Antiochus in 
asserting the Seleucid supremacy. In 210 the army of 
Antiochus descends the Euphrates by boat* By the summer 
of 209 Antiochus has pushed as far as Media.^ That province, 
still governed apparently by the Diogenes who had replaced 
Molon, was the outpost of Seleucid power towards the East 
Beyond it was the waterless plateau of central Ir&n and 

The visit of Antiochus III to the Median capital was 
marked by the first known instance of a practice to which the 
house of Seleucus was aiterwards repeatedly pushed by its 
financial necessities with disastrous consequences — the spolia- 
tion of temples. That Antiochus resorted to it now is an 
indication how severe a strain the maintenance of its outlying 

1 Zeitschr. f, Assyr, Tiii. p. 109. » Polyb. ix. 43, 6. 

' According to the chronological system of Polybius the time in question 
fallA into 01. 142. 3=July 210-July 209. Since the visit of Antiochus to 
Ecbatana is at the beginning of a campaign, it must be in the latter year. 



dominion put upon the Seleucid court, or rather, considering 
what vast resources it had, in Babylonia for instance, 
how ill-regulated, in view of the demands put upon it, the 
financial administration of the Empire had already becoma^ 
Ecbatana, though still offering a majestic spectacle, had lost 
much of its ancient splendour. The immense palace, with its 
colonnades of cedar and cypress wood, was still to be seen, a 
memorial of vanished empire, but the gold and silver plates 
which had once covered them had been stripped off and 
turned into coin during the stormy times which passed over 
Asia after Alexander's death. Its treasuries had, of course, 
long been empty. Only on the temple of the goddess Aine 
(Anaitis ?) had the Macedonian chiefs feared to lay sacrilegious 
hands ; they had spared the gold plating of its columns, its 
silver bricks and tiles. Antiochus III now appropriated all 
this precious metal, and realized in coin the sum of nearly 
4000 talents. The action was calculated to embitter native 
opinion against the house of Seleucus as nothing else could 
have done, and it may be questioned whether this consequence 
in a province bordering on the Parthian sphere, did not more 
than outweigh the momentary advantage which the sacrilege 

By this time the third Arsaces^ had succeeded to the 
throne. He was naturally watching the eastward advance of 
Antiochus with anxiety. He did not, however, believe that 
the expedition would proceed farther than Media. The water- 
less tract would oppose an effectual obstacle to so large a 
force. To his dismay, however, he learned that Antiochus 
was really about to cross it, relying on the numerous wells 
which were supplied artificially from the Median hills by 
underground conduits. Arsaces knew that against the 
gathered strength of the house of Seleucus his own kingdom 
could not yet make head. He sent some horsemen in haste 

1 This IB, no doubt, accounted for by the anarchy succeeding the Egyptian 
invasion, and shows how the evil consequences of that invasion dogged the 
house of Seleucus to the end of its history. 

' Polyb. X. 27. Babelon suggests that a class of gold coins of Antiochus III 
of exceptional size represents the spoils of Ecbatana {Eois de &'yrie, p. Ixzzi). 
[Mr. Maodonald does not think that this theory will work out] 

' His personal name is not known. 


to block the wells in the enemy's line of march, and himself 
evacuated his capital, Hecatompylus, and fell back upon 
Hyrcania. Antiochus detached a body of horse under 
Nicomedes of Cos, who dispersed the Parthians at the wells 
and secured the road. The Seleucid army advanced without 
hindrance across the wilderness and quietly took possession of 

After halting to rest the army in the Parthian capital, 
Antiochus determined to follow up the retreating foe into 
Hyrcania itself. He first moved to Tagae. There he learnt 
from the natives the enormous difficulties of a march through 
the mountains. But his resolution held. In the force he 
had at his disposal were Cretans and Aetolians, accustomed 
from childhood to mountain warfare. He knew that among 
the narrow gorges and defiles the valuable arm would be, not 
the heavy phalanx, but the light troops, archers, javelineers, 
slingers, who could scale precipices inaccessible to the heavily 
armed soldier, and by irregular attacks dislodge the enemy 
from the posts which commanded the passaga These troops 
he formed into an advanced guard under Diogenes, the satrap 
of Media. They were to be supported by 2000 Cretans, 
whose armament was something between that of the light 
skirmishers and the phalanx (they carried small shields), under 
the command of a Rhodian exile, Polyxenidas, of whom more 
is heard by and by. Last of all were to come the heavy 
troops under Nicomedes of Cos and an Aetolian Nicolau&^ 

The difficulties of the road proved even greater than the 
King had expected. ** It wound for the most part through 
deep gorges, into which many boulders and trees had fallen, 
making the passage painfuL" 

Up on the rocks above, too, were perched the barbarians, 
with piles of stones and trunks at all convenient places to roll 
down upon the labouring train below. Their calculations 
were, however, disconcerted by the tactics of the light 
skirmishers. The troops of Diogenes could scale the " white 
face of the cliff" itself, and the barbarians in their ambush 
suddenly found themselves exposed from unexpected quarters 
to a hail of stones and darts. As soon as a post had been 

1 Polyb. X. 28. * Ibid, 29. 


occupied by the light troops it was a short matter for the 
engineers to make the road for the heavy troops below. In 
this way the ascent was successfully, though slowly, accom- 
plished. Post after post of the barbarians was driven back. At 
the pass of Labus, which marked the summit of the mountain 
barrier, they determined to make a stand. In eight days 
from beginning the ascent the army reached the pass, and 
here the phalanx came for the first time into action. In a 
pitched battle, however, the barbarian mountaineers could do 
it little harm, and the light troops had secretly before dawn 
crept round and occupied strong posts in the enemy's rear. 
At the discovery of this the barbarians broke and fled. The 
Eling was concerned to prevent an incautioiis pursuit, and 
soon sounded a halt. With closed ranks and imposing order 
the Seleucid army descended into Hyrcania.^ 

Tambraca was first occupied, a city considerable enough 
to contain one of the residences of the Parthian king. It 
was unfortified, and the inhabitants, after Antiochus' victory 
on the pass, had mostly taken refuge in the neighbouring 
Syrinca, "the royal city as it were" of Hyrcania. Unlike 
Tambraca, Sirynca was a place of exceptional strength and 
included a Greek population. Antiochus proceeded to invest 
it, and against the highly developed siege tactics of the 
western race the defenders could not maintain themselves. 
As soon as a breach was made, there was a massacre of the 
resident Greeks and a stampeda They were, however, driven 
back again by the mercenaries under Hyperbasas, and, giving 
up all hope, surrendered.^ 

And now the cloud falls again. Of the subsequent course 
of the war we know nothing. The end was probably a victory 
of the Seleucid arms, after which Antiochus, following the same 
policy as in Atropatene (Lesser Media) and Armenia, demanded 
only a recognition of his supremacy and a payment of tribute, 
and received Arsaces into favour. So much at least may be 
gathered from the loose statement of Justin^ that Arsaces 
fought with extraordinary valour against the overwhelming 
numbers of Antiochus, and was finally admitted to an alliance. 

> Polyb. X. 30-31, 4. 
9 Ibid, 81, 6 f. » xli. 6, 7. 


In the year following the invasion of Hyrcania (209-208) 
Antiochiis moved upon Bactiia. Diodotus, the son of the 
original rebel, no longer reigned there. His house had been 
overthrown by another upstart, Euthydemus, a man from one of 
the Magnesias. It was he who now bore the name of king. 
The high-road to Bactria crossed the river Arius (mod. HarS- 
Riid), and Euthydemus encamped at some place ^ on his own 
side of the river and detached a large body of his excellent 
Bactrian cavalry, 10,000 strong, to defend the fords. The 
intelligence of his position was carried to Antiochus whilst 
he was still three days' march from the river. He at once 
pressed forward, and with a select body of cavalry, light-arpied 
troops and peltasts, reached the river before the third day 
dawned. The main part of the enemy's cavalry had retired 
from the bank during the night, as their habit was, leaving 
only a few patrols. Antiochus was thus able to throw the 
majority of his detachment across before he was discovered. 
Of course, daybreak brought the enemy's cavalry to the 
attack, and an engagement ensued. This battle on the Arius 
did more than anything else to make the reputation of 
Antiochus III for personal courage. The King himself 
headed the troop of horse which received the brunt of the 
leading Bactrian squadron, and fought in the thick of it till 
relieved by Panaetolus. After a hot action the Bactrian 
cavalry was beaten off with severe loss, and only a remnant 
of the force made its way back to the camp of Euthydemiis. 
A large number remained as prisoners in the hands of the 
victor. The King himself had had his horse killed under 
him, and received a blow in the face which knocked out 
several teeth. His detachment bivouacked the following 
night on the field, awaiting the arrival of the main body. 
Euthydemus, without risking a second encounter, withdrew 
upon his capital Zariaspa.^ 

Of the further course of the war we know only that the 
siege laid to Zariaspa or Bactra (Balkh) by Antiochus was 
a famous episode which popular historians loved to embroider.' 
Before the summer of 206 was out, both belligerents were 

> TArOTPIAN MS., TarovpLatf Hultsch, tA Vovplaya Gutschmid. 
2 Polyb. X. 49. » Jbid. xxix. 12, 8. 


anxious for peace. To the Bactrian Greeks indeed the war 
must have seemed something like a civil war in the face of 
the alien foe. Surrounded as they were by barbarians, the 
outposts of Hellenic civilization against the hordes of the 
great wilderness, they realized intensely their solidarity with 
the Hellenism of the West. The man who was king in 
Centred Asia still felt himself a Magnesian, still thought of 
some city 2000 miles away as his home. A fellow- 
countryman of his, the Magnesian Teleas, was among the 
persons of influence about Antiochus. Euthydemus besought 
his good offices to effect a reconciliation. What indeed, he 
urged, was his offence? It could not be rebellion. The 
Seleucid power had already ceased to be effective in Further 
Ir&n when he made himself a kingdom. It was the rebellious 
house of Diodotus, not the ministers of the Great King, whom 
he had replaced. Or was it his crime to have assumed the 
royal name ? For justification he had but to point eastwards, 
to the innumerable shifting peoples of the wilderness, who 
loomed like an ominous cloud over Irslnian Hellenism. 
There could be no vacancy in Hellenic sovereignty here 
without hazarding such an irruption from that quarter as 
would without question submerge the country in barbarism 
{i/cl3apl3apo)0iia€a0cu rffv %a)pai^ 6fio\oyovfiiv<o^). The 
Bactrian kingdom was a dam, which the interests of Antiochus 
should impel him, not to weaken, but to make as strong as 
possible.^ These representations, conveyed by Teleas to the 
ears of Antiochus, were not without weight He had long 
desired to be rid of the Bactrian entanglement, protracting as 
it did his absence &om the West to a dangerous duration. 
Teleas was now entrusted with the conduct of the negotiations, 
and a satisfactory settlement was reached. Euthydemus, no 
doubt, recognized the Seleucid suzerainty; he ceded at any 
rate to Antiochus his elephants of war and furnished supplies 
for the army. Antiochus, on the other hand, authorized 
Euthydemus to bear the title of king. The other points at 
issue were determined in detail by a written treaty, and a 

^ There is nothing in the text of Poly bins to imply, aa Gntechmid {Otsch, 
Irani) seems to hare understood, that Euthydemus threatened to call the 
Komads into the oountry as his allies. 


formal alliance waa concluded. This happy result was greatly 
facilitated by the favourable impression made upon Antiochus 
by the person and bearing of Demetrius, the son of Euthy- 
demus. Antiochus promised him the hand of one of his 
own daughters. This was the Demetrius who was to be known 
one day as the conqueror of western India. 

From Bactria the imperial army moved south. Antiochus 
crossed the Hindd-Kush and descended the Kabul valley. 
Once more a Macedonian king at the head of his army stood at 
the door of India. The great Asoka was no longer alive, and 
his death had been followed by the break-up of the realm. No 
certain knowledge of the period of confusion can be got from 
Indian sources, nor do we know with which of the kings they 
mention, if with any, the Sophagasenus spoken of by Polybius 
is to be identified, or whether he belonged to the house of 
Asoka. With this Indian ruler, whoever he was, Antiochus 
III had to do. Sophagasenus recognized the superior power of 
the Seleucid. He gave Antiochus more elephants and provisions 
for his army. He also promised a large quantity of treasure. 
Antiochus now turned homewards. Androsthenes of Cyzicus 
was left to convey the treasure when Sophagasenus had 
collected the required amount The Eling went by way of 
Arachosia, across the Erymanthus (mod. Hilmend), and 
thence through Drangiana (mod. Seist^n) to Carmania, where 
he encamped for the winter (206-205). He thus passed 
south of the great Ir&nian desert, not by the ordinary trade- 
route, which went north of it, and by which he had come.^ 

In the following year he was once more in the eastern 
capital on the Tigris.* 

Like Alexander when he had completed the circuit of his 
Empire, Antiochus III, as soon as he had returned to 
Babylonia, turned his thoughts to the still unattempted Arab 
country to the south. The principal commercial centre of 
the nearer part of Arabia was the town of Gerrha, a point in 
the great caravan route from the spice regions beyond, from 

1 Polyb. xi. 34. 

^ Niese (ii. p. 401) ascribes to Antiochus III at this moment the restoration 
of Alexandria (Charax), which I follow Gutschinid in giving to Antiochus IV, 
though it is true there is very little evidence to support either view against the 


which tracks branched off to Mecca, Mediaah and Petra, and 
which was in close connexion with the harbours of the Persian 
Gulf. The Gerrhaesms were the great merchantmen of that 
part of the world. By caravan through the desert or boats 
along the coast, they went to and fro between Babylonia and 
the Arabian interior, and were to be met in the market-places 
of the cities on the Euphrates and Tigris, carrying frankincense 
and myrrh.^ Antiochus went with a fleet from the Tigris 
along the Arabian coast, and made as if he would bring this 
place of merchandise under his hand. But a view of the 
country made him abandon the idea of a permanent occupation. 
When therefore a letter from the Gerrhaean chiefs was brought 
him, which, being interpreted, ran, "Destroy not, King, 
those two things which have been given us of the gods — 
perpetual peace and freedom," he contented himself with 
receiving a large present, part in silver and part in precious 
gums, and sailed away, first toward the island of Tylos,^ and 
then back again to Seleucia-on-the-Tigris (205-204).* 

The eastern expedition of Antiochus III, blurred as it now 
is by the mists of time, took a large place in the field of his 
contemporaries' vision. After all the years of ruin and 
humiliation, the house of Seleucus had renewed its youth. 
Antiochus had resumed the glorious tradition of Alexander 
and Seleucus Nicator. He had vindicated his right to bear 
the same titles as they; it was as the Great King that he 
was henceforth known in the west, as Antiochus Nicator in 
the East^ If already in the western Mediterranean a power 
was growing up which vexed Greek statesmen with a new 
problem and peril, there seemed at any rate to be still a 
counterpoise in the Macedonian Great King. It was not only 
the kingdom, the ofBce, the resources of Antiochus which had 

1 Strabo xvi. 766 f. ; Diod. iii. 42 ; Plin. yi § 147 ; Agath&rcides, F. Qeog. G. 
i. 177, 189 ; Ptolemy yi. ppi 7, 16. See Speok, HandelageschichU^ i. p. 566. 

' Modern Bahrain, the centre of the pearl fishery in the Gulf, now Britiah. 

» Polyb. xiiL 9. 

^ Babelon, p. xliL denies that Antiochus III is the Antiochus Nicator of the 
Bactrian coins. The Bactrian kings would not have cherished, he says, ''la 
m^moire d'un prince qui ... a toujours dii 6tre odieux k oe pays." But he 
forgets that the relations between Antiochus and Euthydemus ended by being 
extremely cordial. 


been magnified, but bis personal character — his military 
ability, his courage, resolution and energy, his magnanimity 
to the vanquished. 

Men recollected how the Seleucid Empire at his accession 
had touched the nadir of its decline, whilst now by nearly 
twenty years of incessant fighting Antiochus had won back 
well-nigh all that his grandfather and father had lost The 
figure of the young King, in the glamour of his success, 
imposed itself upon the imagination of the Greek world ; he 
became a hero of the market-place. And in this way events 
in one half of the Empire reacted, as they always did, upon 
the other. Just as the blows received by Antiochus II and 
Seleucus III in the West destroyed their authority in the 
East, just as the defeat of Antiochus III himself later on at 
Magnesia imdid the work of his great eastern expedition, so 
now the success of that expedition made the position of 
Antiochus for the time stronger than ever in the West. The 
accession of resources, and still more of prestige, put a new 
complexion upon Seleucid rule in Asia Minor. The vassal 
princes became unusually submissive and well-disposed. The 
somewhat indefinite sovereignty of the Seleucid house over 
the Greek cities of the coast became more stringent. And 
beyond the limits of the Empire altogether, that influence 
in Greece itself upon which the Macedonian houses set such 
store was secured in a new d^ree. It was whispered in 
some circles that the ideal of Alexander, the whole Greek 
world united under a single sceptre, might yet be realized. 

Begarded from the sober standpoint of history, what had 
Antiochus achieved ? He had not, of course, established 
Seleucid rule on £uiy permanent basis in the outer sphere of 
the Empire, in the principalities, that is, of Pergamos, the two 
Cappadocias, Armenia, Atropatene, Parthia and Bactria. It 
is obvious that wherever the subordinate dynasties had been 
left in possession, at the first opportunity, the first shortening 
of the suzerain's arm or the ability to do without him, those 
dynasties would forget their allegiance. The Seleucid rule 
only existed so long as the Great King was prepared to 
enforce it by a fresh military expedition from the seat of 
government And yet Antiochus was wise in stopping short 


where he did; it was no generous folly. For the time no 
better plan was possible. He might, of course, have fought 
till he had dethroned the princes in possession and substituted 
for each of them a satrap appointed by himself. But he 
would not have gained much by so doing. The new satrap 
would be just as likely as the old dynast to improve the 
occasion to revolt By using his victory magnanimously, 
by uniting the dynasts by ties of marriage with his own 
house, Antiochus really did secure their loyalty — for a time. 
He might have quartered troops in the outlying provinces. 
But even supposing such garrisons remained loyal, they 
would be locked up in distant places when he wanted them 
badly elsewhere, and the difficulty of relieving them, should 
they be exposed to attack in detail, might be enormous. 

The fundamental obstacles to a permanent settlement — 
the dependence of the central government upon mercenaries, 
the difficulty of communication between different parts of the 
Empire, the financial embairasement — all these could be over- 
come only by time, by the development of the richer provinces, 
a sound administration, a thorough reorganization of the 
government machinery, and a wise expenditure on public 
works. For all these things were prerequisites of the only 
efficient contrivance for holding together such an Empire, in 
its essence artificial, without basis in nationality — a system of 
extensive and centralized military occupation. A statesman, 
regarding the problem from the Seleucid point of view, would 
necessarily have put such a system before himself as the 
ultimate end, but some temporary expedient would be required 
to maintain the authority of the Great King till that was 
possible. And as such an expedient the dispositions made 
by Antiochus were unexceptionable. 

Looked at in this light, the achievements of Antiochus, 
which won him so much glory, did not amount to a conquest 
of Irsln, but were only a step in the process of conquest, the 
necessary first step. Whether they remained a splendid but 
idle tour de farce, or whether the process was carried on to a 
practical conclusion, depended largely on the character and 
political talent of Antiochus. Antiochus came to be some- 
thing of a puzzle even to his contemporaries; there seemed 


such discrepancy between his character as it appeared in his 
early struggles and his character as it appeared in the latter 
part of his reign, when he strove with Borne. A difficulty of 
this kind, felt by those who knew far more of the circumstances 
than we do, it would be vain to try to smooth away. 

But we may legitimately examine closely the record of 
either period and let the earlier Antiochus and the later each 
throw what light he can upon the other. The qualities dis- 
played by the Antiochus of the earlier period are described 
by Polybius as " daring and indefatigableness " {roXfj/rf xal 
^CKoTTovla)} Now as to physical courage, the courage of the 
soldier, that was inherent in the stock from which Antiochus 
sprang, and there is no reason to suppose that he was ever 
unwilling to adventure his person on the field. It was rather 
his political nerve which seemed to fail ; it was the contrast 
between the energy with which his earlier political plans and 
campaigns were carried through and the hesitation, rashness, 
and puerile trifling of his war with Some. We are thus 
brought to look more closely into the sort of energy displayed 
by Antiochus in his earlier period, and see whether there are 
no signs of those failings which were afterwards set in so 
damning a light. That Antiochus did on occasion show 
pertinacity and vigour is undeniable, in his repeated forcing of 
the gates of Coele-Syria, for instance, or in his passage of the 
Hyrcanian hills : a oonsiderable degree of ^ indefiatigableness " 
is implied in the mere fact that from the time of his accession 
in 223 he was almost continuously engaged in the personal 
conduct of war. But there appears at times a singular lack 
of thoroughness in his operations — his allowing the Ptolemaic 
army to reoccupy the passes into Coele-Syria when he had 
already once forced them and established posts on the farther 
side, his remissness in preparing for the encounter with Ptolemy, 
which lost him the battle of Baphia and undid the work of 
two campaigns. We observe that his is that energy which 
shows itself rather in bursts, when confronted by an obstacle, 
than in the deliberate and resolute provision of the means 
toward the end in view, which marks the true practical genius. 

^ zi. 34, 15. In zv. 37 he is described as tLtyaKxTi^oKot Ktd roXfiiip^ xal 
rod rport$imn i^pyiurrucdt. 


It 18 displayed (to judge bj the war with Ptolemy Philopator) 
rather in the beginnings of an enterprise, when the difficulties 
and dangers appear most formidable, and languishes with 
success. It is the energy of impulse, not of reason. It is 
evoked by the prospect of a showy triumph rather than by 
the more prosaic but more solid labour of organization. We 
are well able to understand that eneigy of this kind might 
show increasingly conspicuous cessations, as the man passed 
into middle age, in an environment of ease and flattery, his 
vanity and self-confidence fostered by all the artifices of a 
court. And if this is a right view of the character of Antiochus, 
we may question whether bis eastern expedition formed part 
of any large and statesmanlike design for the reconstruction of 
the Empire on a firm basis, whether, in fact, the puerility 
which appeared in his conflict with Some was not already 
patent in the gratification he found in romantic but elusive 


Antiochus had extorted a formal recognition of his sovereignty 
in all those countries which had fallen away under separate 
rulers from the Empire. To make that formal recognition 
something solid and durable would be in itself a work demand- 
ing all his energies smd resources. But he was hurried on by 
his ambition to grasp at the other territories which the house 
of Seleucus regarded as its rightful property — those which 
were held, not by rebellious satraps or insurgent chiefs, but by 
a foreign power. They included that region in which, from its 
geographical union with the Empire's base, the Seleucids felt 
a special interest — Ccele-Syria, a region which the ancestors 
of Antiochus III had never indeed possessed, but only con- 
sistently coveted. Antiochus had not ceased since his repulse 
at Baphia to burn for a renewal of the contest with the house 
of Ptolemy. The enterprise, in which he had first drawn his 
sword, in which he had twice met with a mortifying repulse, 
might be renewed with better prospects by the conqueror of Asia. 
The Egyptian Empire in the eastern Mediterranean had 
suffered little diminution even under Ptolemy Philopator. 
Seleucia-in-Pieria had been won back by the Seleucid, but the 
harbour-cities of southern Phoenicia, Tyre and Sidon, as well 
as Cyprus, gave Ptolemy a maritime base in Syrian waters. 
Thence the Egyptian stations extended all along the coasts of 
Asia Minor as far as Ephesus.^ They dotted the A^ean and 
dominated the Hellespont and Thracian coast.^ 

^ Soli is the most easterly named by Liry (who had Polybius before him). 
Jerome (on Daniel 11, 15) makes Antiochus capture Mallns in 197. 

' Niese (ii. p. 406, note 4) thinks that the Ptolemaic protectorate of the 






It could hardly be expected that Antiochus the Great 
King should permanently acquiesce in such power being con- 
centrated to his own prejudice in the feeble hands of the King 
of Egypt And he was not the only one whose desires were 
excited by the Egyptian possessions. The house of Antigonus 
in Macedonia was now represented by a man as ambitious and 
energetic as Antiochus, Philip the son of Demetrius. What 
Ccele- Syria was to the house of Seleucus, Thrace and the 
Hellespont were to the Antigonids. Philip was no more likely 
to rest than Antiochus so long as a valuable province geographi- 
cally united with his own territory was in the hands of a 

It was therefore inevitable from the nature of the case 
that the Egyptian Empire should before long be assailed. 
During the reign of Ptolemy Philopator indeed relations 
between Egypt and the two rival powers continued formally 
friendly. Antiochus and Philip both tendered their aid to 
Ptolemy, on the occasion, probably, of a native rising.^ Negoti- 
ations were begun for a marriage between the royal houses of 
Egypt and Macedonia. But in 205-204 Ptolemy Philopator 
died. The succession devolved on a child of four years, 
Ptolemy V Epiphanes. The favourites who held the reins of 
power at the King's death now tried to avert the catastrophe 
by sending an embassy to Antiochus to remind him of his 
treaty engagements, and an embassy to Philip to clinch the 
marriage project and to enlist his support, in case Antiochus 
attacked. Scopas, the ex-president of the Aetolians, who after 
his fall had taken service under Ptolemy, was at the same 
time sent to raise a new mercenary army in Greece.^ The 
favourites, however, were soon hurled from power by a popular 
rising in Alexandria. An understanding was come to between 
the courts of Antioch and Pella with a view to the partition 
of the Ptolemaic Empire (202). 

As to the terms of this pact we have, as is not surprising 

Gyclades had ceaaed, bnt the evidence he adducea ia far from deciaive. We 
know that Samoa waa atiU Egyptian (Polyb. iii. 2, 8) ; the case of Leaboa ia 
problematical (Niese ii. p. 357, note 1). [Delamarre brings forward evidence to 
show that Macedonia had displaced Egypt in the Gyclades, B/tmu d, Philol. 
xxvi. (1902), p. 801 f.] 

» Polyb. XV. 20, 1 ; cf. v. 107, 1. « Polyb. xv. 26, 18 f. 


i i 


in the case of a transaction by its nature secret, no exact 
information. Appian gives it as a popular story that, 
according to its stipulations, Antiochus was to get Cyprus and |j y^ 
E yypt itself (including, of course, Coele- Syria), and Philip 
Cyrene, the Ptolemaic possessions in the Aegean, and the 
Ionian sea-board.^ But it is extremely unlikely that there 
was any intention to interfere with the African dominions of 
the Ptolemies. On the other hand it is true that the western 
sea-board of Asia Minor (or part of it) was made over to Philip. 
This is proved, not by Philip's invading it — since Polybius 
distinctly states that the two kings did not keep to their 
compact ^ — but by the fact that Philip's claim to be supported 
in that invasion by the SeUfiwid power was admitted? 

What is the meaning of this strange abandonment to the 
house of Antigonus of regions in which the house of Seleucus 
was itself interested ? To explain it one has first to recognize 
that neither party to the agreement meant it honestly. It 
was only meant to last till the Ptolemaic power was swept 
from the field. The conquest of Ccele-Syria was the most 
important part of the whole to Antiochus, and to secure that 
he was willing to see Philip make a diversion in Asia Minor. 
As a matter of fact, he did not intend to give him serious 
support.^ Secondly, one must take account of the actual 
situation in Asia Minor. The alliance of the two kings was 
levelled not at Egypt only. Seleucid rule was threatened in 
Asia Minor by a more dangerous foe than Philip would prove, 
by the Pergamene king. Egypt and Pergamos both belonged 
to a group of powers which was more or less closely united 
by common sympathies and aims, and embraced beside them- 
selves Bhodes, the Aetolian League, and, looming in the 
background, Eome.* Three of the powers — Pergamos, Egypt 
and Shodes — were established in Asia Minor, and their mutual 
friendship corroborated the bar to Seleucid ambitions. We 
see then why it might seem desirable that a power antagonistic 
to the group ^ should take the place of Egypt in Asia Minor. 

' App. Mac 4. 

' rapaa-irorSoi^up fUv dXX^Xovt, Polyb. zv. 20, 6. 

» Polyb. xvi. i, 8. * Ibid. 1, 9. 

* In 220 Rhodes and Pergamos had been hostile (Polyb. iv. 48, 2). 

* Attains had been allied with the Aetolians against Philip in the Social Vfvc. 




The inevitable conflict between Philip and Attains would wear 
down both powers, and the house of Seleucus would reap the 

The compact concluded, Antiochus attacked Coele-Syria 
once more. And here again it is brought home to us how 
capriciously time has dealt with the ancient authorities. 
Whilst we have comparatively full information as to the 
campaigns of 219-217, we are left almost entirely in the dark 
as to the campaigns which really did lead to the transference 
of Coele-Syria from Ptolemy to the Seleucid. 

The state of affairs in Egypt during the minority of 
Epiplianes — the court torn into rival factions, the natives 
r ebelling; — contributed largely to the success of Antiochus.^ 
How soon the conquest followed 202 we do not know.* As 
to its completeness it exte nded at any rate to Ju daea. By 
199 Antiochus seems to have considered the conquest achieved 
and to have turned his attention to Asia Minor. 

In that quarter the compact had meanwhile led to startling 

Phili£_ had flung himself immediately after its conclusion 
upon the Ptolemaic possessions in Tlirace and the Asiatic 
shores of the Hellespont. In a few months his garrisons were 
in Lysimachia, Sestos and Perinthus, and Cius had been razed 
to the ground. In the following year (201) he appeared with 
a strong fleet in the Aegean and turned the people of Ptolemy 
out of Samos. Then Khodes and Attains allied themselves to 
stop him, for in Egypt there was no power to resist Philip 
landed on the Pergamene coast, and, while the forces of Attains 
retired behind the walls of the cities, wasted the open country 
with barbaric recklessness. Zeuxis, the Seleucid satrap of 
Lydia, gave him lukewarm support* 

^ "Tantae enim dissolutiouis et superbiae Agathocles fuit, ut subditae priiis 
Aegypto provinciae rebellarent, ipsaque Aegyptus seditionibua vexaretur." 
Jerome on Daniel 11. Agathocles himself perished in 203, but the discords in 
the Alexandrian court continued. 

^ Seleucid coins were struck at Tyre as early as 112 aer. Sel. =201-200 B.a, 
Babelon, Roia de Sjfrie, p. Ixxxv. Niese (ii. p. 578) gives the date 201. 

' Polyb. xri. 1, 8. There is little doubt that this is the Zeuxis who has left 
a trace of himself in an inscription found at Mazyn • Kalessi (the ancient 
Amyzon). ^ISpieOt 'EKarifjiyov MOtikc] ZeD^cf Kwdyov MaKtSu)¥ rods dypodt 
Tu[i 0€(} . . . dwoKariffniffe], SUzungsb, Berl, 1894, p. 916. 


When Philip was got to sea again and making for Samos, 
a combined Shodian and Pergamene fleet overtook him between 
Chios and the mainland. Attains himself was on board. A 
battle of doubtful event followed — on the whole adverse to 
Philip. But a second sea-fight off Miletus between Philip 
and the Rhodians went in his favour. And the result was 
that Caria was left exposed to invasion. Miletus made haste 
to seek Philip's friendship. Myus, Prinassus, Pedasa, Bargylia, 
Euromus and Stratonicea fell into his hands. The last was 
one of the possessions of Ptolemy. Presently, however, Rhodes 
and Attains recovered the mastery of the sea and cut Philip's 
communications with Macedonia. He was now hard put to it 
to provision his army in Caria. The supplies furnished by 
Zeuxis were found to be very short.^ He was reduced to 
such expedients as purchasing food with the territory he had 
won. Myus he made over to Magnesia-on-the-Meander in 
exchange for a consignment of figs. To extend his conquests 
in Caria was out of the question. He left garrisons here and 
there, and slipped through the enemy's fleets home to 

Next year (200) Philip rounded off his conquest of the 
Thracian coast. Aenus and Maronea were still held by 
Ptolemaic garrisons, but these now fell before Philip's attack, 
beside a number of smaller towns. Then he crossed over and 
laid siege to Abydos. 

But now the eyes of men were turning to the West. \\ 
Within the lifetime of men living, the Greek world had 
watched the rise in the Italian peninsula of one of the 
** barbarian" states to a position of world-wide importance. 
Rome had come out of its war with Pyrrhus, seventy-five years \, 
before, the leading state of the peninsula, and the other Italian 
communities south of the country of the Gauls were soon in 
more or less direct subjection to the city on the Tiber. Since 
then its wars with Carthage had enormously raised its prestige 
and spread its influence. To Hellenism the new power was 
no less earnest to show its devotion than the Macedonism had 
been. On the first appearance of Roman armies east of the 

> Polyb. xvi. 24. 
VOL. U I> 



Adriatic in 229-228 the barbarian stigma had been to some 
extent removed from the Bomans when they were allowed to 
participate in the Pan-Hellenic games of the Isthmus.^ Like 
the Macedonian houses, Some rendered its homage to the 
Greek culture, £uid professed its adherence to the sacred 
principle of Hellenic autonomy. And to those among the 
Greeks who regarded the cause of freedom as having been 
under a cloud since the rise of Macedonia there seemed a 
promise of better days in the appearance of a great state in 
the West, which, whatever its nationality, was piously phil- 
Hellenic and a republic. 

Now therefore that the Macedonian king was displapng a 
new activity, it was the voices of those powers whose Hellenism 
was the purest — of Athens, of Rhodes, and of Attains — which 
called upon Rome to intervene in Greece. Philip was still 
besieging Abydos when he received the Roman ultimatum. 
Soon after that the strained relations reached breaking point 
Rome declared war and two legions crossed the Adriatic. 

In this way Rome was drawn into all the quarrels which 
Philip had with his neighbours, and these included the question 
in which the house of Seleucus was so nearly concerned of the 
Ptolemaic possessions in the Levant Antiochus could not 
look with indifference upon a struggle which brought a collision 
between Rome and himself within measurable distance. 

What dealings there had hitherto been between the house 
of Seleucus and the Republic of the West is a matter of question. 
There is a statement in a late writer that after the first Punic 
war, in 240, Rome offered help to Ptolemy against " Antiochus 
(sic) king of Syria." ^ It was the moment when Seleucus II 
was recovering Syria from Ptolemy III. That the statement 
in its present form is erroneous is obvious; that it has no 
historical basis it appears to me that we are not justified in 
asserting. Again we are told that the Emperor Claudius in 
writing to the Ilians cited an old Greek letter of the Roman 
Senate and People to "King Seleucus" promising him the 

^ Polyb. ii. 12, 8. 

^ '* Finito igitiir Punico beUo . . . Romani iam clarissima gloria noti legatos 
ad Ptolomaoum Aegypti regem miserunt auxilia promittentes, quia rex Syriae 
Antiochus helium ei intulerat. Ille gratias Pomnnis egit, auxilia non accepit ; iam 
eoim fuerat pugna transacta." Eutropius iii. 1. 


friendship and alliance of Rome, on condition that he granted 
the Ilians immunity from tribute.^ There is no improbability, 
as it seems to me, in the statement ; " on the other hand, the 
authority for it is certainly bad. 

It is in this year (200) that we hear of the first certain 
communication between Home and the Seleucid kingdom. The 
embassy which left Rome for the East to carry the ultimatum 
to Philip was also charged to visit the Ptolemaic and Seleucid 
courts in order to make peace between Antiochus and Ptolemy.^ 
This is probably the embassy meant by Justin.* It is re- 
presented as warning Antiochus after his conquest of Phoenicia 
and Coele-Syria to hold his hands from the Ptolemaic realm, 
whic h had been specially placed by the dying appeal of Ptolemy 
Philopator under the protection of Rome. Antiochus natura lly x 
disregarde d an injunction which Rome was not in a position^ 2?>ri /a 
to back up by force, in view of the Macedonian complica- •^ co, ^-i^- 
tion. What attitude would he maintain in regard to that ^jl /uulZn 

struggle? ICj^lli*^ 

He might throw Philip over and come to a frank under- 
standing with Rome and Attains. Or he might move to the 
assistance of his ally. Or, thirdly, he might observe a careful 
neutraUty. The most essential thing was that he should 
clearly make up his mind what line to take and concentrate 
his powers on pursuing it. Destiny was putting the states- 
manship of Antiochus III to the test by bringiDg him face 
to face with a situation which demanded the venture of a 
decision. But Antiochus had not the courage and grasp of 
mind which could steadily confront a problem of such large 
elements and on which such enormous issues hung. It was 
easier, as it was fatal, to waver, to try half-measures, to catch 
the suggestions of the moment, without looking ahead. His 
hopes were with Philip, but he was not prepared to provoke 
the hostility of Rome, his relations with the Republic being 

^ Saet. Claud, 25. 

^ Niese rejects it absolutely (ii. p. 153, note 4), but other instances in which 
cities seek to secure privileges or help by enlisting the advocacy of other powers, 
e.g, Smyrna and Seleucus II, Lampsacus and Ma»salia, Antiochus III and Teos, 
seem to me to show a far-reaching diplomatic activity of this sort which we 
should not gather from the historians alone. 

» Polyb. xvi. 27, 5. * xxxl 1, 2. 


still (in the diplomatic sense) " friendly." ^ And yet he could 
not bring himself to preserve correct neutrality. 

,y 1 1 The conquest of Ccele-Syria set him free to resume the 
Seleucid ambitions in Asia Minor. And a time when Attains, 
the great rival of his house in that region, was away in Greece 
with the forces of the Pergamene kingdom offered too tempting 
an opportunity to be neglected. In the winter (199-198) 

/ Antiochus invaded the undefended territory of Pergamos. 
Even if the movement was not made on an understanding 
with Philip, it was obviously a breach of neutrality at a 
moment when Attains was actually co-operating with the 
Boman smd Aetolian forces against Philip. As a diversion 
in Philip's favour nothing could be more effectually contrived. 
But yet so little resolution had Antiochus to strike a bold 
blow for Philip, that when Rome, at the instance of Attains, 
protested, as Antiochus must have known it would, he im- 
mediately withdrew.^ 

The Boman protests, however, were not the only cause of 
this retreat. News of a disconcerting kind reached the King 
from Coele-Syria. Antiochus seemed at one moment to be 
about to go through the experience of 217 again, to conquer 
the province only to see it wrested from his grasp. The man 

/who was able to retrieve so signally for a time the I^yptian 
fortunes was the Aetolian Scopas, one of the prominent figures 
of his time. He had been strcUegos of the Aetolian League, 
the chief magistrate of the most powerful state in Greece, but^ 
being thrown from power, had left his country and entered 
the Ptolemaic service. Such a man could hold no inferior 
position; he had been appointed commander-in-chief of the 
Egyptian forces, drawing pay at the rate of ten minas (£40) 
a day. He had recently levied a force of 6000 foot and 500 
horse in Greece, and almost cleared his native state of men in 

* Antiochum, socium et amicum populi Koniani, Lir. xxxiL 8, 13. 

' Liv. xxxii. 27, 1. Niese (ii. p. 007, note 4) pronounces the whole story of 
this attack on Pergamos to be fiction, bnt (it api)ear8 to me) without sufficient 
grounds. Uis grounds are (1) that AutiochuH was fully occupied in Ccele-Syria, 
(2) that friendly relations between Attains and Antiochus were never inten*upted. 
But the first seems disposed of if Antiochus believed himself to have completed 
the conquest of Ccele-Syriii, and the second has the appearance of a petUio 



doing 80.^ He now invaded Ccele-Syria, drove out the Seleucid 
garrisons, and recovered the province for King Ptolemy.^ 

But Antiochus was soon on the march to reassert his 
authority in the contested region. He passed the defiles 
between the Lebanon and Antilibanus, and at the entry of 
the land, where the sources of the Jordan were marked by 
the precinct of a deity, in whom the Greeks recognized Pan, 
— ^the Panion^ — he came into collision with Scopas. From 
the criticisms made by Polybius upon Zeno's fanciful account 
of the battle we can gather only the two facts — that a son of 
Antiochus, bearing the same name, was present, and that the 
elephants (of which Antiochus had brought back a fresh supply 
from India) figured conspicuously.* The result at any rate was 
a complete and decisive victory for Antiochus. The battle is 
the landmark denoting the jmal and definite substitution of 
Seleucid for Ptolemaic rule in Palestine. Scopas shut himself 
up with the remainder of his force, 10,000 men, in Sidon, 
which Antiochus proceeded to invest. Egypt made an efifort 
to relieve it, but without effect Sidon was obliged by famine 
to capitulate, Scopas being permitted to withdraw unhurt.^ 
Antiochus to ok formal possession of the land. The region of 
Greek cities east of the Jordan (Batanea, Abila, Gadara), as 
well as Samaria and Judaea, became incorporate with the 
Seleucid empira® 

Jerusalem, or the bulk of its population, as we shall see 
when we come to speak of the Jews, receiv ed Antiochus with 
open arms. The Philistines were found, as usual, on the 
opposite side to the Jews. The great city of Gaza held, 
even in this day of disaster, by the house of Ptolemy. Their 
fidelity to the old allegiance provoked the admiration of the 
contemporary Greek.^ The siege which the city underwent 
till it was at last stormed by Antiochus was reckoned one of 

1 Liv. xxxi. 43, 6. « Polyb. xvi. 39. 

' Paneas (mod. Banias) was the name of the city afterwards built there. It 
is the Caesarea Philippi of the Gospels. 

* Polyb. xvi. 18 f. * Jerome on Dan. 11, 15. 

• Polyb. xvi. 39, 8. Ccele-Syria had thus to be conquered tunce by Antiochus 
sabsequently to Raphia. This is the real fact at the basis of Josephus' statement 
{Arch, zii § 131) that Antiochus conquered it before the death of Ptolemy Philo- 
pator. Josephus makes a hasty inference from his knowledge that Scopas had 

/bund (he cowUiry in SeUvcid occupation, "^ Polyb. xvi. 22^. 







the great episodes in the military history of the time. It 
furnished an appropriate theme for the rhetorical historian.^ 
But of all the writing which it created nothing is preserved. 
Antiochus retired at the end of the summer of 198, the 
reduction of Palestine complete, to winter at Antioch and 
make preparation for the much more formidable business 
which awaited him in the West.* But he was still careful 
to preserve the forms of amity with Rome, and sent a compli- 
mentary embassy during the winter. The Senate, whose 
diplomacy likewise aimed at keeping on good terms with 
Antiochus whilst there was a danger of his uniting with 
Philip, received the embassy with studied courtesy, and passed 
resolutions in honour of Antiochus which left nothing to be 
desired in the matter of fair words.* 

With Egypt after the conquest of Coele-Syria the relations 
of Antiochus are difficult to define. There was no longer 
technically a state of war between the two powers. Cleopatra, i V^ 
in fact, the daughter of Antiochus, was now betrothed to thelw^ 
young Ptolemy. No doubt the betrothal was one of the ^ 
articles in the treaty of peace which Antiochus imposed.* 
At the same time Antiochus pursued next summer his 
conquest of the Ptolemaic possessions. It was this ambiguous 
state of things which made it possible for the Boman em bassy 
in 196 to demand a cessation of hostilities against Ptolemy 
and for Antiochus to reply that peace already existed. 

^ Polyb. xvi. 18, 1 ; xxix. 12, 8. * Liv. xxxiiL 19. 

* Jerome on Daniel 11, 17. 

' Ibid, 20, 8 f. 


In the spring of 197 Antiochus launched his forces upon 
Asia Minor. The land forces were sent by the direct road 
over the Taurus under the command of the King's sons, Ardys 
and Mithridates,^ to Sardis, where they had orders to await 
his arrival. Antio chus himself went with the fleet along the 
coast The immediate object indeed of the expedition was to 
seiz e the possessions of the house of Ptolemy, and these were 
all on the coast. Was there an ulterior design ? Had 
Antiochus at last made up his mind to intervene openly in 
the struggle going on in Greece ? On the rumour of his 
advance this was believed — with what ground can never be 
known.^ As he passed along the coast of Rugged Cilicia he 
summoned all the towns and fortresses subject either to local 
dynasts or to Ptolemy to surrender. And one after another 
—Soli, Corycus, Zephyrium, Aphrodisias, Anemurium, Selinus 
— they obeyed the summons without resistance.' Antiochus 
met with no check till he reached Coracesium, the strongest 
place along that rugged coast. The steep isolated hill of 
Alaya, which reminds modern travellers of the Rock of 
Gibraltar, still shows the masonry, of every date, by which the 

' I have suggested on p. 16 that this is aD adoptive son of Antiochus, the 
son «card ^Oaiv of his sister mentioned hy Polybius. 

' Liv. xxxiii. 19, 9 f. 

' Jerome (on Daniel 11) includes Mallus among the towns taken by 
Antiochus on this expedition. The fact that no mention is made of this by 
lary, who had Polybius before him, as well as the nearness of Mallus to Syria, 
seem to me to make it probable that Mallus had been recovered by Antiochus at 
an earlier date. 




successive masters of the place, down to the Middle Ages, 
have laboured to make it impregnable. The determination 
to reduce it brought the King to a halt, and he was still 
lying before it when the situation was modified in a disagree- 
able way. 

First an embassy from the Bhodian Eepublic presented 
itself. It brought him the astonishing declaration that should 
he attempt to pass the Chelidonian promontory — the point 
assigned in the old days of Athenian supremacy as the bound 
for the Great King's ships — the Rhodians would oppose his 
advance with an armed squadron. Tliey justified this action 
by accusing Antiochus of a design to join Philip. Antiochus 
had the self-command to return a polite answer ; he assured 
them that their imputation was quite groundless, and promised 
an embassy which should dissipate the suspicions entertained 
of him in Rhodes. The embassy went, and by a strange 
chance, at the very moment when its spokesman was addressing 
the Rhodian Assembly, a post arrived with the disconcerting 
intelligence that the war was over. Philip had met with a 
final defeat at Cynos-cephalae in the Thessedian plains.^ 

The hesitating policy of Antiochus had thus let the oppor- 
tunity of joining his forces with the Macedonian power, before 
it was crushed, go by, whilst it had at the same time awaked 
I the suspicions of Rome. But the overthrow of Philip was 
I not altogether unwelcome to Antiochus. All the time that 
Philip had been an ally, his other character, the rival, had 
peered through. It was plain that the king of Macedonia 
would now have to relinquish that share in the spoils of 
/ I: Ptolemy made over to him by the late compact, and Antiochus 
1^/ J. would stretch his hand over the whole. 

But the imaginations kindled in the Seleucid court by the 
humiliation of the Antigonid reached farther than Asia Minor 
and Thraca Those unfortunate memories of the first Seleucus 
could never be charmed to sleep ; his successors had acquiesced 
perforce in seeing the European part of Alexander's heritage 
occupied by the houses of Ptolemy and Antigonus, but now 
a moment was come when the house of Ptolemy had sunk 
into the extreme of impotence and the house of Antigonus 

1 Polyb. xviii. dl" ; Liv. xxxiii. 20. 



had been bruised in the conflict with a remote power. Alone 
of the three, the house of Seleucus seemed to have renewed 
its youth and still to possess the secret of conquest. Wild 
hopes and heated language grew rife in the congenial atmo- 
sphere of a court; it was soon no secret that Antiochus I / 
meditated appearing in Greece as the heir of Alexander and ' ^ 
Seleucus Nicator.^ 

It was natural under these circumstances that Philip 
should not on his part feel any good -will towards his late 
ally, who had not only left him to go down unaided, but^who 
wasj^reparing to seize the prizes in Asia Minor and Thraoe 
which he himself was compelled to drop, and even dreamed 
of supplanting him in the domain where the house of 
Antigonus had been predominant for four generations. From 
the time of Philip's defeat the alliance between the two kings 
was replaced by coinplete estrangement. 

TPHe Khodians, after the news of Philip's defeat reached 
them, had no further ground for opposing the advance of 
Antiochus. But they did their best to prevent his obtaining 
possession of the cities of Caria and the neighbouring islands. 
After more than a century of Macedonian domination, during 
which the Greek ideal of separate independence for every Greek 
state, whether city or league, had sufifered violence, it seemed 
as if that ideal were now at last to be realized. The great 
Italian republic had stood forward as its champion. In break- 
ing the Macedonian power Eome had inscribed the liberty of 
Greece upon its banners. The victor'of Cynos-cephalae, Titus 
Quinctius Flamininus, was a phil-Hellene of the most enthusi- 
astic type, and the circle of choice spirits among the Boman 
aristocracy whom he represented were as genuinely eager to 
create a tree Greece as the phil-Hellenes at the beginning of 
the nineteenth century. It was not the duplicity of Boman 
statescraft but the hard facts of the world which made these 
visions futile. After Cynos-cephalae. however, liberty was in 
the air. Bhodes had borne a part in the struggle and was in 
a high degree animated by the ideal. But from the practical 
point of view Bhodes was more nearly concerned in the 
cessation of Macedonian rule over the cities of the neighbouring 

> Polyb. xvuL 46, 10 f. ; Dio Caw. frag. 60. 




coast and islands than in the emancipation of Greece itself. 
The Ptolemaic rule here was ready to vanish away ; Ehodes 
was anxious that the Seleucid should not take its place. 

Antiochus addressed himself to the conquest of the coast 
of Asia Minor from Cilicia to the Troad. Of his operations 
we know very little. We are not told whether he ended by 
reducing Coracesium or what were the remaining events of 
that year. Some of the states succeeded, with the help of 
Ehodes, in throwing off their present yoke and defying the 
eflforts of Antiochus to impose another. Caunus, Halicamassus, 
Myndus and Samos are mentioned as recovering their liberty 
at this moment.^ In the case of Caunus the Bhodians seem 
to have understood '* liberty " in the sense most congenial to 
their own ambitions ; the transaction consisted apparently in 
their paying down a sum of 200 talents to the Ptolemaic 
commanders as the price of their withdrawal and then annex- 
ing the city to their own dominions.^ In the Cyclades also a 
Rhodian supremacy seems to have now superseded the 
Ptolemaic or Antigonid.' 

Beyond Coracesium westwards Antiochus would come to the 
coast of Pamphylia. The interior had mostly been conquered 
by Achaeus,* and perhaps the coast as well. If so it would 
have already passed in 216 under the sway of Antiochus. It 
is at any rate occupied by his forces seven years later, when 
we find him maintaining a garrison in Perga.^ 

Lycia, the next country along the Asiatic coast, yielded at 
once to the summons of Antiochus. Jerome speaks of the 
capture of Andriace (the harbour of Myra), Limyra, Patara 
and Xanthus. Antiochus certainly had a garrison in Patara 
in 190.* The Seleucid cause, in fact, seems to have been 
popular with the Lycians, probably because it was antagonistic 
to Rhodes.^ 

In Caria Antiochus already touched the sphere which had 
been by the compact assigned to Philip. The political situation 
which Philip left there on his retirement in 201 had been a 

^ Liv. xxxiiL 20, 12. Jerome makes Antiochus conquer Rhodes (!) and 
Samoe. * Polyb. xxxi 7, 6. 

* BtUl, corr, hell. x. (1886), pp. Ill f. ; Delamarre, Bemu de Philol, xxvi 
(1902), p. 824. * Polyb. v. 72. * Ibid. xxi. 44. 

• Lir. xxxvii. 16, 7. ' See Appendix B. 


confused one. Some of the cities still obeyed Ptolemy ; in 
Caunus at any rate we saw that there remained a Ptolemaic 
garrison. Other cities had been annexed by Philip ; the head- 
quarters of his army of occupation were at Stratonicea, and he 
had garrisons in Pedasa, Euromus, Bargylia and lasus.^ A 
third category is made by cities like Alabanda and Mylasa, 
which maintained their independence alike of Macedonia, Egypt 
and Ehodes. Shortly before Cynos-cephalae the Rhodians 
had struck to recover their Peraea from Philip's forces, and 
Alabanda seems to have made common cause with them. A 
battle had taken place near Alabanda between the Macedonian 
troops under Dinocrates and the Rhodians. The result was a 
complete victory for Rhodes, which was followed up by their 
recovery of a number of small townships and fortresses, but 
the larger towns occupied by Philip they were unable to reduce. 
Dinocrates, who had in the first instance fled to Bargylia, 
succeeded in entering Stratonicea, and the city defied all the 
efforts of the Rhodians to capture it.^ 

Except, however, for the cities who asserted their freedom 
or were annexed by Rhodes, Antiochus appears to have brought 
Caria under his dominion without difficulty. From Ptolemy, 
even if his garrisons had not already all disappeared before the 
invasion of Philip and the active diplomacy of Rhodes, no 
opposition was possible. Philip was certain to be compelled, 
when Rome dictated the definite terms of peace, to evacuate 
everything he had occupied in Asia. The field was left empty 
for Antiochus. Only for a time in Bargylia, and perhaps in 
some other places, Philip's garrison was left in possession.* 
At lasus the garrison of Philip was soon replaced by that of 
Antiochus, and the anti-Seleucid party driven into exile.* 
Towards Rhodes the King adopted a most conciliatory attitude. 
He acquiesced apparently in the occupation of the mainland, 
and not only so, but after taking over Stratonicea, either by 
the expulsion of Philip's garrison or its withdrawal, he placed 
the city at the disposal of Rhodes.'^ 

^ Liv. xxxiii. 80, 3 ; Polyb. xviii. 44, 4. ^ j^y^ xxxiii. 18. 

» Polyb. xviii 48, 2 ; 60, 1 ; Liv. xxxiii. 86, 2 ; 39, 2. 
* Liv. xxxvii 17, 6. 

' Liv. xxxiii. 18, 22 ; cf. Polyb. xxxi. 7, 6 : ^parovUeituf iXd^ofiev iv 
luy^fl X^fi rap *ApTt6xov xal ZcXei^irov. The view of Beloch (^flistor. Zc\Udvr« 



In Ionia we find the Greek cities at this time in the 
possession of a high degree of freedom. Twenty years before, 
when Achaeus and Attains had fought for mastery over them, 
the cities had not been merely passive. And since then the 
wars between Achaeus and Antiochus, and the diversion of the 
Seleucid strength to other quarters, while it was represented in 
this region since 216 by the comparatively inoffensive satrap 
of Lydia, had allowed the independence of the cities to grow 
more substantial. Philip, although he had subjugated the 
Ionian Samos, had left the lonians of the mainland undisturbed. 
The greatest indeed of all these cities was an exception. In 
Ephesus there still remained a body of armed men which took 
its orders from King Ptolemy. This was the splendid prize 
towards which the thoughts of Antiochus were directed. It 
was the ''citadel which commanded, both by land and sea, 
Ionia and the cities of the Hellespont, the most convenient 
base from which the master of Asia could direct operations 
against Europe."^ Before the close of 197 the capture of 
Ephesus had crowned the work of the year.* It was in 
Ephesus that Antiochus took up his quarters for the ensuing 
winter.' Now that his attention is directed to the West, 
Ephesus, on the coast, seems to replace inland Sardis as the 
capital of the Seleucid King. 

From Ephesus Antiochus undertook during the winter the 
restoration of Seleucid rule over the cities of northern Ionia 
and the Hellespont A detachment had already gone north to 
occupy Abydos on Philip's withdrawal/ with a view to the 
passage of Antiochus the following year into Thrace. In both 
the Ionian and the Hellespontine group of free cities there 
was one pre-eminent in power and influence, Smyrna in Ionia, 
Lampsacus on the Hellespont Their example would be of 
immense consequence in determining the action of the rest 
Unfortunately for Antiochus, this very position of dignity made 
them less willing to accept a yoke, however much disguised in 

Ix. p. 501 f.) that this refers to Seleucns II has not fonnd acceptaDoe. We mast 
understand the Seleucus who shortly after this plays a prominent part under his 
father, unless with Niebohr (foUowed by Hultsch) we emend 'Arrtdxou roO 
ZcXej/Kov. 1 Polyb. xviii. 41*, 2. 

' *' Ad extremum Ephesos," Jerome on Daniel 11. 

» Liv. xxxiii. 88, 1. * Ibid, 38, 4. 


phrases. Not only so, both had ranged themselves heartily 
with the Pergamene power, which seemed to embody the purest 
Hellenic tradition.^ Antiochus tried to bring force and 
persuasion simultaneously to bear. While it was still winter 
a royal force appeared under the walls of Smyrna, and the 
main part of the garrison of Abydos was moved upon Lamp- 
sacus. At the same time within the walls his envoys stood 
before the citizens and spoke at large of the handsome treat- 
ment which awaited them, even the complete bestowal of 
liberty, if they would return to allegianca But the citizens 
persisted in thinking their strong walls a better guarantee of 
freedom than the King's promises.^ Under pressure from l 
Antiochus, Lampsacus took a step which holds a definite place 
in the series of events which brought about the collision we 
are soon to see. It appealed to Some. 

The history of this embassy, headed by Hegesias the 
Lampsacene, of which the historians say nothing, is preserved 
for us by an inscription. It throws many interesting lights 
upon the relations of that tima In the first place, it was not 
easy for Lampsacus to find among its citizens those who would 
face the inconvenience of the immense journey (to fiiyeOo^ 7^9 
leofuSrj^ ical 7^9 ix^'qa-eto^) fioid its serious dangers, for it was 
intended that the envoys should go as far as Massalia (mod. 
Marseilles). Lampsacus and Massalia were both colonies of 
Phocaea, and the sentiment begotten by a common origin was 
in those days a really operative factor in politics. Lampsacus 
could now appeal to it in order to enlist the advocacy of the 
Massaliots, which was known to have weight with Home. 
Even the mythical origin of Eome from a Trojan stock could 
be made seriously the ground for Lampsacus to urge the claims 
of kinship. Many of the citizens elected for this task excused 
themselves; Hegesias undertook it. He first proceeded with 
his fellow -envoys to Greece and had an interview with the 
commander of the Boman fleet, Lucius Quinctius Flamininus. 

Arrived at last in Massalia, the Lampsacene envoys came 
before the Assembly of Six Thousand and put before them the 
predicament of the sister-state in Asia. The Massediots at 
once sent an embassy of their ovm to support the Lampsacenes 

1 Polyb. V. 77, 6 ; 78, 6. * Uv. xxxiiL 88, 1 f. 



before the Roman Senate. What is still more curious, they 
delivered to Hegesias, in virtue of their relations with the 
Gauls of the Rhone valley, a letter to the "demos of the 
Tolistoagioi Galatai" of Asia Minor, recommending to them 
the cause of Lampsacus. The Senate received the double 
embassy favourably, promised to include a declaration of the 
freedom of Lampsacus in the treaty of peace with Philip, and 
for the rest referred Hegesias to Titus Flamininus and the ten 
commissioners who were gone to settle the afiTairs of Greece. 
Hegesias proceeded to Corinth and once more pleaded the 
cause of Lampsacus before the ten commissioners. From 
them he obtained letters to the kings of Asia expressing the 
desire of Rome to see the freedom of Lampsacus respected.^ 
The result of the mission lay so far only on paper ; its value 
was exactly according as Rome was prepared to follow up 
words by deeds. 

But the other cities of Asia Minor seem to have been too 
weak, with the exception of Alexandria Troas, to follow the 
example of Smyrna and Lampsacus. They yielded with little 
difficulty to Antiochus. 

A restoration of the condition of things under the first 
kings of his house was the formula of Antiochus' policy — of 
the old order, as we have seen it, with the cities on the one 
hand subservient to the kings, and the kings on the other 
hand liberal patrons of the cities. As of old, it was as the 
I champion of liberty and autonomy that the King lent his arm 
v/ . to elevate in each city the party favourable to himself to 
power, and crush the party opposed to him. An inscription 
of lasus ^ gives us the official view of things. Antiochus has 
written repeatedly to the demos, declaring his devotion to the 
/ great principles of democracy and autonomy. In this he is 
following the example of his house, which has shown itself 
zealous to do good to the Hellenes. The city has been vexed 
by factions ; Antiochus has addressed to it paternal admonitions 
on the excellence of concord. He has been reinforced by the 
voice of the god of Branchidae — the " divine ancestor of his 
family." Concord restored, the dem^s are filled with gratitude, 
and so on in the usual strain. That the admonitions of 

1 Michel, No. 529. ' Ibid. No. 467. 


Antiochus were also reinforced by his setting a garrison in 
the citadel and driving the faction opposed to him into exile 
the inscription does not betray. 

We have evidence dating some years before of the favour 
shovm by Antiochus to Magnesia-on-the-Meander. It was 
when that city was sending round to all the Greek kings and 
cities asking to have its festival of Artemis recognized as of 
Panhellenic standing. Its envoys found Antiochus in Persia 
on his return from the East (in 205), and Ins letter in answer 
promises to do all he can in the matter, and states that he is 
ordering the provincial governors to see to it that the cities 
under Seleucid influence give the required recognition to the 
Magnesian festival^ 

In the cases of the Carian Antioch* and Teos we see 
again how opportunities to gratify the cities in ways which 
did not afiect his supremacy were seized by the King. They 
are cases precisely parallel to that of Smyrna under Seleucus II 
— cities desiring to obtain a recognition of their sanctity from 
foreign powers (see vol. i. p. 188). Antiochus instructed his 
own ambassador to Borne to undertake the cause of Teos with 
the Senate, and backed the envoys of the Teians in other places 
(Bhauca and Eleuthema in Crete) by an envoy, whom he himself 
sent on a peace mission in one of the eternal Cretan wars.^ 
The presence of an envoy of Antiochus in Crete shows that 
even lands altogether outside the Seleucid sphere came to know 
Antiochus as a good friend of the Hellenes. 

At the very moment when Seleucid rule was being restored 
in the coast regions of Asia Minor a notable figure passed from 
the scene. Attains of Fergamos, whilst addressing the assembly 
of the Boeotian League in the interests of Eome, had suddenly 
fallen under a paralytic seizure. He had been carried home 
to Pergamos, and had there died, an old man of seventy-two, 
on the threshold of a new time (197). He was succeeded by 
Eumenes, the eldest of his four sons ; the other three, Attains, 
Philetaerus and Athenaeus, remained, as Strabo says, " private 
persons." The family concord continued undisturbed; the 
brothers of Eumenes, without share in the royal title, were 

^ 0. Kem, Inachri/t. v, Moffncsia, No. 18. '^ Michel, No. 252. 

* Ibid, Noe. 61, 63, 57. 




ready to serve under him as ambassadors and commanders. 
They had some power and wealth of their own, which they 
used as benefactors of the Greek cities.^ 

During this first winter that he spent in Ephesus (197-196) 
Autiochus sent another embassy to remove the suspicions of 
Bome. His ambassadors, H^esianax ^ and Lysias, went this 
time, not to Bome itself, but to Titus Flamininus and the ten 
commissioners, who had come to Greece to settle finally the 
conditions of peace with Philip and declare the will of Bome 
in the East They were present at the historic Isthmian 
games, at which Flamininus proclaimed the freedom of the 
Hellenes, and they witnessed the scenes of wild enthusiasm, 
laughter and tears, which followed the proclamation. It was 
not a moment which made their task of justifying the conquests 
of Antiochus easy. Flamininus and the Ten gave them audience 
as soon as the festival was over. Full of the glow of disinterested 
benevolence, the Bomaus condemned with zest the aggressions 
of Antiochus. They required him to abstain from hostilities 
against any free city of Asia, and to evacuate those which had 
been before in the possession of Philip or Ptolemy. A declaration 
of the freedom of the Hellenes of Asia, as well as those of 
Europe, had indeed been included in the terms of the peace. 
Further, they cautioned Antiochus against crossing into Europe 
to disturb that reign of tranquillity and freedom which they 
had established, and announced their intention of deputing 
some of their own body to carry the King their mandate.^ 

But before that deputation, or even his own returning 
ambassadors, could reach Antiochus he was on European soil. 
At the beginning of spring (196) he had sailed with the fleet 
to Thrace. The land forces were directed to move from Sardis 
to Abydos, and thence pass the straits into Europe, meeting the 
fleet at Madjrtus. This was effected, and Madytus itself — one 
of those towns which had thought to regain its liberty on the 
defeat of Philip — was brought to surrender. The submission 
of the other towns of the Chersonese followed.^ 

^ Soo Appendix C. 

^ Hogesianax of Alexandria Troas had some reputation as a man of letters ; 
he is quoted several times by Athenaeus. See Susemihl, Oetch, d, griecK, Lit, 
in d. Alex. ii. 31 f. ' Polyb. xviii. 47 ; Liv. xxxiii. 84. 

* Liv. xxxiii. 38, 8 f. 


Thrace was one of those regions where Hellenic civilization 
was continually menaced by the neighbourhood of barbarism, 
whilst its position between East and West made it of peculiar 
importance for the traffic of the Greek world. As the country 
passed from one to the other of the great Macedonian houses, 
barbarism pressed forward upon the Hellenic frontiers. The 
capital of Lysimachus, once the centre of a strong kingdom 
which had been a dam against the Thracian onsets, had at 
last itself succumbed to the encroaching flood. Abandoned 
by Philip after his defeat,^ it had been seized by the Thracians 
and given to the flames. Lysimachia stood an abandoned 
ruin. In these regions Antiochus was able to present himself 
with some reason as the saviour of Hellenism. He designed 
to restore the kingdom of Lysimachus as an appendage of the 
Seleucid crown, and make his second son, Seleucus, king or 
viceroy. Without delay he set about the rebuilding of 
Lysimachia. The old inhabitants were in slavery, or scattered 
through the neighbouring country. These he took pains to 
find and restore to their homes ; at the same time he sought 
for new settlers. Half his land force and all the fleet was 
told off for the work of construction ; with the remaining 
troops he made a foray into the country of the Thracians.^ 

These magnificent designs were calculated to give offence 
in two quarters. The king of Macedonia^ could not but feel 
that geographical position and the traditions of his kingdom 
alike entitled him to be the protector of Hellenism on the 
Thracian marches ; the revival of the kingdom of Lysimachus 
was probably the last thing that he desired. Secondly, Eome 
regarded with settled hostility the progress of Antiochus 

Antiochus was still in the field against the Thracians 
when Hegesianax and Lysias reached Lysimachia. About the 
same time a mission under Lucius Cornelius, which had been 
dispatched from Eome to make peace between Antiochus and 
Ptolemy, landed at Selymbria, and with its arrival coincided 
the appearance in Thrace of Publius Lentulus, who had come 
from Bargylia, where his business had been to expel the 

^ Before 202 it had belonged to the Aetolian League, Polyb. xv. 23, 8. 

^ Liv. xxxiii. 38, 10 f. ; App. Syr. 1. 

VOL. II !» 


garrison left by Philip, and of the two deputed out of their 
number by the ten commissioners, Lucius Terentius and 
Publius Villius. All these Antiochus found waiting for him 
at Lysimachia on his return, as well as envoys from Lampsacus 
and Smyrna. 

The distinguished Bomans found the Seleucid King a 
charming host till they proceeded to business. It was then 
apparent how little the situation admitted a peaceful issue. 
Bome had now two grounds of quarrel with Antiochus — first, 
the subjugation of the Greek cities of Asia Minor, which had 
already been the subject of protest to his ambassadors in the 
Isthmus ; and, secondly, the step he had since taken of entering 
Europe. The grounds on which objection was taken to his 
subjugation of the Greek cities varied, as the different cities in 
question had been, before his attack, in the possession of 
Ptolemy, or in that of Philip, or free ; in the case of the first, 
Lucius Cornelius, who acted as spokesman, based the objection 
of Some on its benevolent interest in the Ptolemaic kingdom ; 
in the case of the second, on the right of conquest which gave 
the spoils of Philip to Home ; in the case of the third, the 
Bomans assumed the rdle of the champions of Hellenic 
freedom. The inconsistency between these several positions 
is sufficiently obvious. Then as to the King's passage into 
Europe, Cornelius asserted that it could have no meaning 
except a hostile design against Bome. 

The audacity of these representations is difficult to realize 
when later history has invested Bome, to our thinking, with 
the birthright of indefinite empire. It was then only the 
most powerful state of the western Mediterranean — and that 
pre-eminence was but of yesterday — whose dealings with Asia 
had, up to the war with Philip, been limited to an embassy 
sent in a matter of religion to the king of Pergamos, and 
perhaps a few other transactions of a like kind. The fact 
that Philip had been not only a European but an Asiatic 
power as well, now indeed gave them an opening in that 
region, and the compact which had made him such was now 
bearing bitter fruit for the other party to the bargain. 

When the Boman envoy had wound up his indictment, 
the demeanour of Antiochus expressed the liveliest astonish- 


ment. What possible locvs standi, he asked, had Borne in 
these matters ? How did the conduct of the king of Asia in 
legard to purely Asiatic questions concern them ? He might 
as well, he exclaimed, meddle in the affairs of Italy! In 
answer to their sinister construction of his presence in Thrace 
he had but to indicate his hereditary title to that country, 
based on the conquest of Lysimewshus by Seleucus Nicator. 
How did any menace to Some lie in his restoration of 
Lysimachia, after its imfortunate destruction, to be his son's 
residence ? As to the free cities of Asia, if the Bomans were 
the champions of Hellenic liberty in Greece, it was for him, 
not for them, to assume that part in Asia, and by the concession 
of freedom to those cities reap their gratitude. As to Ptolemy, 
the solicitude of the Bomans was quite superfluous ; relations 
between the two courts were already friendly, and Antiochus 
was even about to cement that friendship by a marriage 

At the instance of the Bomans, the envoys from Lamp- 
sacus and Smyrna were called in. Emboldened by the 
countenance of the Bomans, they arraigned the proceedings 
of Antiochus with great freedom. This was too much for the 
King. He cut short Parmenio, the Lampsacene envoy, with 
an angry command to be silent, adding that when he chose 
to submit the differences between himself and cities to the 
arbitration of an outside power, it was not to the Bomans 
but to the Bhodians that the appeal should lie. With this 
stormy close the sitting broke up.^ 

Before the conference could be brought to the shaping of 
any modvs vivendi it became abortive by an unexpected 
change in the situation. The rumour ran through Lysimachia 
that the young king of Egypt was dead. In that case a great 
estate in which both parties to the conference were closely 
interested lay vacant. Neither thought it safe to avow a 
knowledge of the report/ but Lucius Cornelius suddenly dis- 
covered that the duties of his mission required his immediate 
departure for Egypt, and Antiochus, leaving the land-forces 
with Seleucus in Lysimachia, sailed south with all possible 

* Polyb. xviii. 49, 2-52, 5 ; Liv. xxxiii. 39 f. ; App. Syr. 2 f. ; Diod. xxviii. 
12 ; Just. xxxi. 1, 3. 


expedition. From Ephesus he sent another embassy to 
Flamininus to assure the Bomans of his pacific intentions, 
and continued his voyage along the coast At Patara in 
Lycia the intelligence encountered him that the report of 
Ptolemy's death was false. This suspended the race for 
Egypt, but Antiochus, baffled in one ambition, only bethought 
him how he could use the strong naval force at his disposal 
to realize another. Of the Ptolemaic possessions over-seas 
Cyprus only was left, in such tempting proximity to the 
Asiatic mainland as even to be visible in clear weather from 
the hills of Eugged Cilicia. Antiochus resolved at once to 
strike for Cyprus, and with this end in view pursued his 
precipitate course along the coast. But he had barely rounded 
the Chelidonian promontory and reached the plain about the 
mouth of the river Eurymedon when the rowers, exasperated 
doubtless by the unrelaxed speed of these many days, 
mutinied. A vexatious delay was the consequence. But 
worse was to follow. Off the beach, where the river Sams 
runs through the Cilician plain to the sea, the Seleucid armada 
was shattered by a storm. The loss of life and vessels was 
enormous, some of the great persons of the realm being among 
those who perished. After this all possibility of attacking 
Cyprus was gone ; the King brought the remnants of his fleet 
home to Seleucia.^ 

It was now past the season for active operations. During 
this winter (196-195) the King resided in Antioch. Since he 
had set out thence a year and a half before he had accom- 
j I plished much ; his rule had superseded that of Ptolemy on 
1 i the Asiatic sea-board and in Thrace ; but, on the other hand, 
Smyrna and Lampsacus were still contumacious, and the 
kingdom of Pergamos, touching the sea at Elaea, was driven 
through his empire like a wedge. More than this, the re- 
conquest of his ancestral dominion in the West had brought 
I him into collision with the advancing power of Bome. The 
winter was marked by a family event of importance in the 
Seleucid house. The King celebrated the marriage of his son, 
Antiochus, with his daughter, Laodice. This is the first 
instance to our knowledge of the marriage of full brother and 

' Liv. xxxiii. 41 ; App. Syr. 4. 


sister in the house of Seleucus. It was, of course, in accord- 
ance with the practice both of the old Persian and of the old 
Egyptian kings, and had become the rule in the house of 

It was either in this year or the year before ^ that the 
world was thrilled by the news that the eastern King had 
been joined by no less a person than Hannibal. The great 
Phoenician, since the end of the war with Home, had taken 
an active part in the internal politics of Carthage. He had 
endeavoured to correct some of those abuses in its constitution 
which sapped its strength, and had so come into conflict witli 
the persons whom those abuses nourished. They accused him 
to their Boman friends of being in correspondence with 
Antiochus. When Rome sent a mission of inspection he was 
obliged to fly, and made his way, not without narrow escapes, 
to Tyre. The mother-city of Carthage received him as became 
one of the greatest of her children. A few days after his 
landing he took the occasion of one of the festivals celebrated 
by the court of Antioch at Daphne to present himself to the 
young Antiochus. Then he proceeded to Ephesus, and placed 
his genius and experience at the service of the Seleucid 
King.' The conjunction of the conqueror of Spain and 
Italy with the conqueror of the East seemed of portentous 

There was a general feeling in the summer of 195 that a 
great war was brewing. But Antiochus himself, for all his 
victories and his empire, still faltered before its possibilities. 
If he held his hand at the point he had now reached, it might 
be avoided or indefinitely postponed. Eome was not likely 
to force a quarrel on behalf of the Asiatic Greeks, or even of 
Thrace, in itself; the interests there were too remote. But 
Some was determined to maintain its ascendancy in Greece, 
or, at any rate, safeguard the neutralization of that country. 
It would be a casus belli if the Seleucid King set foot there ; 
even if he gave Eome ground for believing he contemplated 

* App. Syr, 4. 

' According to Livy in 195, according to Appian and Nepos in 196. Niese 
(it. p. 671, note 2) speaks confidently for 196. 

• lAv. xxxiii. 45, 6-49, 7 ; App. Syr. 4 ; Nepos, Hannibal, 7 ; Justin xxxi. 
1, 7f. 


doing so, he might be attacked. Antiochus might perhaps 
avoid war by a frank acceptance of the existing position. 
But to this the heir of Seleucus could not reconcile himself. 
Greece had been a century before the prize for which the 
rival Macedonian houses fought ; for a moment Seleucus 
Nicator had thought himself its master. And now the house 
of Seleucus saw its old rivals reduced to impotence, but Home 
coming as an interloper among their family quarrels to take 
the coveted possession to herself! She could hardly do so 

At Rome itself the report which the ten commissioners 
delivered that spring (195) represented the prospects of peace 
as gloomy. They averred their belief that had not Antiochus 
been turned aside the preceding year by the report of Ptolemy's 
death, Greece would have been already ablaze. They called 
attention to the combustible material which existed in that 
country, where the most powerful of the Greek states, the 
Aetolian League, whose mountains the Macedonian conquerors 
had never been able to subdue, and whose alliance in the late 
war had been of substantial service to Bome, was profoundly 
dissatisfied with the terms of peace and in a dangerous frame 
of irritation.^ 

About the same time that the ten commissioners were 
delivering their pessimistic report in Some, the ambassadors 
of Antiochus — those presumably whom he had sent the 
previous autumn from Ephesus — had audience of Flamininus 
at Corinth. A great conference, to which all the Greek states 
in alliance with Eome sent delegates, had just been held in 
that city, under the presidency of the Roman proconsul, and 
had served to make plain the angry mood of the Aetolians. 
Their suspicions were roused by the Roman garrisons which 
continued to occupy Demetrias, Chalcis and the Corinthian 
citadel — the "fetters of Greece"" — a measure which was in 
fact inspired by the apprehension of an attack on Greece by 
Antiochus.' To the ambassadors Flamininus declared himself 
unable to say anything without the ten commissioners, and 
referred them to the Senate in Rome.^ Instead of proceeding 

^ Liv. xxxiii. 44, 6 f. ; 49, 8. « Polyb. xviii. 11, 6. 

^ Liv. xxxiii. 31, 6. * Ibid, xxxiv. 25, 2. 



thither the ambassadors seem to have returned to report the 
answer of Flamininus to the King.^ 

A year passed, and the summer of 194 * was employed by ^ / 
Antiochus in completing the conquest of Thrace. He broke 
the yoke of the barbarians from the neck of the Greek cities. 
Byzantium had suffered heavily from the " eternal and grievous 
war " with the Thracian tribes,^ and had been accustomed to 
see its richest harvests carried off under its eyes. It now 
found itself the object of the King's especial solicitude. He 
courted with lavish favours the good-will of a city in whose 
hands it was to open and shut the gate of the Black Sea. The 
Gallic tribes settled during the last century in the country he 
also tried to win by his largess, in order to enrol under his 
standards more of these large-limbed men of the North. The 
following winter (194-193) he was once more in Ephesus.^ 

It was in 194 that the evacuation of Greece was actually 
carried out by the Bomans. After another conference of the 
Greek states, held at Corinth in the spring of that year under 
Titus Flamininus, the Eoman garrisons had been withdrawn 
from Demetrias, Chalcis and the Corinthian ahra. The phil- 
Hellenic enthusiasts at Borne could now exult in the spectacle 
of a Greece really and absolutely free. Macedonian domination 
was a thing of the past ; the days of Pericles would be restored. 
But Bome had yet to learn, as other nations with an imperial 
destiny have had to learn, that the process of expansion cannot 
be checked by creating a vacuum, that in such cases the 
alternatives for a conquering state are to assume the dominion 
itself, or to see it assumed by others. It was, in fact, an 
absurdity to declare it worth a war to prevent any foreign 
power establishing itself in Greece and at the same time to 
withdraw from the defence of its coasts. If, indeed, the 
Bomans in retiring had left a united nation, devoted to Bome, 
and resolved to act together in excluding any third power from 
Greek soil, it might have been a practical, if not a magnanimous, 

^ A fresh embassy is sent by Antiocbus to Rome after the secoml campaign 
in Tlirace. 

* Or, if the date given by Livy for Hannibal's coming to Ephesus be right, 
the summer of 195. If the earlier date be right for Hannibal's coming, we are 
uninformed as to where Antiochus spent 195. 

' dt^fy KoX 8vffx^P^^ iroX^fty Polyb. iv, 45, 5. * App. Syr. 6. 


policy for Borne to maintain Greece as an independent ** buffer- 
state '* on its western frontier. But, as a matter of fact, the 
jealousies and hatreds between the various Greek states were 
as violent as ever; two of the most powerful, Aetolia and 
Sparta, were anything but well disposed towards Bome, the 
one her late ally smarting under a grievance, the other an 
enemy with whom she had just concluded an uneasy truce. 
So far from helping to defend the frontier, the Aetolians were 
ready to welcome Antiochus, or their old foe the king of 
Macedonia, as a deliverer. When, thanks to the hesitation 
of Antiochus and the prudence of Philip, the departure of the 
Boman legions was followed by no immediate breach of tran- 
quillity, the Aetolians set to work of their own accord to stir 
up trouble. Their envoys incited Philip and Nabis, the tyrant 
of Sparta, to break the peace ; Dicaearchus, the brother of the 
Aetolian strategos, Thoas, was sent to Antiochus (end of 194).^ 

The common object of all these envoys was to bring about 
a great anti-Boman alliance of the houses of Antigonus and 
Seleucus, Aetolia and Nabis. Dicaearchus endeavoured to 
impress upon Antiochus in what fierce earnest the Aetolians 
would act by enlarging upon their grievances ; he magnified 
the Aetolian power ; it was they who held the western door of 
Greece ; they to whom Bome owed her late triumphs ; and he 
paraded the great alliance before the dazzled eyes of the King, 
glozing the fact that it existed so far only in the heated brain 
of Greek intriguers.* 

The influence of Hannibal at the Seleucid court was, of 
course, thrown into the scale of war. He saw a prospect of 
matching himself once more with the hated oppressor of his 
race, of renewing that struggle which had so nearly ended 
fatally for Bome. It is said that he began to urge upon 
Antiochus a plan of campaign, of which the outlines were 
that he should take himself 100 ships of war, 10,000 foot 
and 1000 horse, and with these effect a landing in Italy, 
while the King should simultaneously invade Greece, and 
Carthage should rise in rebellion. No telling blow — on this 
he insisted— could be dealt Bome so long as her base was 
secure; only when the adversary wrested to himself those 

» Liv. XXXV. 12, « Jbid. 12, 16 f. 


resources which Italy yielded her could Some be really 
straitened. And who was there that knew the ground in 
Italy so well as the framer of this plan ? ^ 

In pursuance, at any rate, of some such schemes, the secret 
agent of Hannibal, a Tyrian named Ariston, was dispatched 
from Ephesus to Carthage in the course of 194 to concert 
plans with the popular faction, whose leader Hannibal had 
been.^ But Antiochus had not yet brought his resolution or 
preparations to the point of an open rupture — not even when 
the suggestions of Hannibal were reinforced by the envoy of 
the Aetolians. 

In the winter of 193-192* Antiochus was in Syria, and 
the marriage which he had announced in 196 to the Eoman 
envoys at Lysimachia between his daughter Cleopatra and the 
young Ptolemy Epiphanes now took place. Antiochus escorted 
Cleopatra in person to the frontier. At Eaphia they were 
met by the bridegroom, and the nuptial ceremonies were 
performed. Antiochus returned to Antioch, and Egypt knew 
the first of the famous Cleopatras. That name henceforward 
supersedes Arsinoe and Berenice as the characteristic name of 
a PtolemiULC queen.* 

Spring (192) was hardly yet come when Antiochus was 
on the move to Ephesus. He went this time by land across 
the Taurus, accompanied by the younger Antiochus, who, 
however, was sent back almost immediately to Sjnna to hold, 
as before, the place of king in that country. The elder 
Antiochus, with a view of consolidating his authority in the 
trans-Tauric country and securing the communications between 
Syria and Ionia, turned upon the immemorial foes of Asiatic 
empires, the Pisidians.^ 

In the spring of the preceding year (193) ambassadors 
from Antiochus had been given a hearing in Home.® They 

^ Liv. xxxiv. 60 ; App. Syr, 7 ; Just. xxxi. 3, 6 £. ; Nepos, Hannib, 8. 

^ Liv. xxxiv. 61, 1 f. ; App. Syr, 8 ; Just. xxxi. 4, 1. 

' Strack, Dynastie der Ptolemder, p. 196. * See Appendix D. 

* Liv. XXXV. 13, 4 f. 

' This was probably the embassy mentioned by Appian {Syr. 6) as having 
been dispatched from Ephesus after the second campaign of Antiochus in Thrace 
{i,e, lattes^ part of 194 according to Niese's reckoning). Livy (xxxiv. 57, 6) 
mentions Menippus and Hegesianax as the chiefs of the embassy ; to those Appian 
adds Lyaias. As Appiau confuses similar occasions readily, Lysias veiy possibly 



were among the embassies from all parts of Greece {md the 
East who thronged to Eome for the moment when Titus 
Flamininus should submit to the Senate for ratification the 
measures he had framed in concert with the ten commissioners. 
The Senate did not feel itself possessed of enough special 
knowledge, as a body, to engage the King's envoys in debate, 
{md therefore deputed Flamininus and the original ten com- 
missioners to hear them separately and to speak for Boma 

It was ostensibly the object of the embassy to obtain a 
renewal of those friendly relations between the Seleucid court 
and the Eepublic which had been broken since the conference 
of Lysimachia, when Antiochus had repelled the Boman 
demands for the evacuation of Thrace and the liberation of 
the Greek cities of Asia. The real object of the mission was 
to ascertain how far Bome was prepared to go in sustaining 
these conditions. From the answer which Flamininus returned 
to the representations of Menippus it was plain that whilst 
only a sentimental interest was felt in the Asiatic cities, Bome 
was seriously concerned in dislodging Antiochus from Thraca 
Flamininus intimated that if Antiochus evacuated Tlirace, the 
other question would be suffered to drop. " The King contends 
that we have no right of interference in Asia ; then let him 
keep his hands off Europe." It was not difficult for the King's 
envoy to point out the logical flaw in such an argument ; the 
cases were not parallel; Antiochus had claims to Thrace, 
based both upon hereditary right and the sacrifices he hod 
made to recover it from barbarism ; the Bomans had no such 
claims in Asia. Only it happens that such questions are not 
determined by formal logic. The newly-acquired ascendancy 
of Bome in Greece was threatened by the occupation of Thrace ; 
in the face of this fact the legal reasonings of the Seleucid 
envoys missed the point. So long as tlie Seleucid court was 
obstinate on the Thracian question, Bome found it convenient 
to champion the liberty of the Asiatic cities. The orators of 
the Senate paraded this attitude to the assembled ambassadors 
from Greece {md the East, contrasting the liberating policy of 
Bome with the tyrannic aggressions of the Seleucid King. 

appears here only becaaae he was coupled with Hegesianax in the emhaaay of 
two years before. 


Menippus lifted a voice of protest. He entreated the Bomaus, 
in the name of the peace of the world, to pause, and reiterated 
the pacific disposition of his master ; diplomacy might still 
find a solution of the deadlock. The Senate on its side was 
not anxious to precipitate the conflict, and resolved to send 
an embassy to the King. For this office the persons chosen 
were Publius Sulpicius, Publius Villius (who had confronted 
Antiochus at Lysimachia) and Publius Aelius.^ 

These emissaries were instructed first to visit the court of 
Pergamos and ascertain the leanings of Eumenes. Antiochus 
had indeed been doing his utmost to induce the powers of 
Asia Minor to oppose a solid front to the Eoman aggression. 
On Prusias of Bithynia he could count, Prusias, the foe of 
Pergamos, and the ally of Philip before he had been humbled. 
Ariarathes IV of Cappadocia Antiochus essayed to bind to 
himself in the same way as he had bound Ptolemy ; he had 
other daughters to give. 

We last heard of the Cappadocian court when Antiochus 
Hierax took refuge with Ariamnes about 230. Since then it 
had continued its tranquil existence aloof from the broils of 
the world. Ariamnes, celebrated for the warmth of his domestic 
affections, had died after an uneventful reign of about forty 
years at a date probably not far removed from the visit of 
Hierax. His son, Ariarathes III, who had already borne the 
name of king during his father's lifetime, then reigned alone. 
It was this Ariarathes whose wife was a Seleucid princess, 
Stratonice, the daughter of Antiochus Theos, and aunt therefore 
of Antiochus III. The reign of Ariarathes III, like that of 
his father, is wrapped in complete obscurity. Only his coins 
bear witness to the Hellenic influence at work in his court. 
It is no Oriental potentate, with beard and tiara, that here is 
shown, but a king of the regular Hellenistic type, clean-shaven, 
with short hair and the simple diadem. On the reverse of his 
coins the barbarian goddess of Cappadocia is replaced by a 

^ Liv. xxxiv. 57 f. ; Diod. xxviii. 15. Appian and Justin make Publius 
Scipio chief of this embassy, and Livy mentions this as being related in the 
History of Aciliiis. Nissen {Kritiseh. Unters. p. 167 f.) thinks that Scipio 
really did go to Asia on a later embassy which Appian has confused with that 
of Sulpicius. On the whole I think it most probable that the embassy of Scipio 
is a fable. His interview with Hannibal made a dramatic situation. 


classical Athena copied from the money of Ljrsimachus. 
Already under Anamnes, it will be remembered, Greek had 
superseded Aramaic for the legend. Ariarathes III had died 
about 220, and the son who succeeded him, Ariarathes FV, 
was at that time quite an infant.^ He inherited the family 
characteristics of simplicity and affection, so far as we can 
judge by the little told us. He is the first of the dynasty 
for whom a surname appears, the modest one of Eusebes, the 
Pious.^ In an evil day for himself he received the Great 
King's daughter Antiochis to wife. He was no mate for one 
of those tigress princesses whom the old Macedonian blood 
continued to produce.^ 

Antiochus had yet a third daughter, and by means of her 
he did not despair of even overcoming the hostility of Eumenes, 
of bringing Pergamos into line with the other Asiatic courts. 
Together with her hand he offered the restoration of the cities 
which had once obeyed Pergamos and indefinite services in the 
future.^ But Eumenes was shrewd enough to refuse the 
splendid bribe. It was the policy of his house to ally itself 
with the more distant against the nearer power, and the wars, in 
which Attains had fought side by side with the Bomtms, had led 
the Pergamene court to form a true estimate of the strength 
and persistency of the Eepublic ; so that now, when their old 
confederates, the Aetolians, were estranged, Pergamos stood 
stoutly by the Roman alliance as the soundest speculation.^ 

Sulpicius {Lnd his colleagues touched in 192 at Elaea, the 
harbour-town of Pergamos, and thence went up to the capital. 
They found Eumenes a strong advocate of war ; he knew that 
a decisive conflict must come sooner or later between Pergamos 
and the Seleucid power, and grasped at the chance of entering 
into it side by side with Rome. In such a contingency be 
saw the prospect, not only of safety, but of aggrandizement, of 
recovering that dominion in Asia Minor which his father had 
held for a moment amid the broils of the Seleucid princes. 
He now used all his influence, as Hannibal was doing on the 
other side, to force on hostilities.® 

* Diod. xxxi. 19, 6 ; Polyb. iv. 2, 8 ; Justin xxix. 1, 4. 

^ Reinach, Troia royaumeSf p. 86. ' Diod. xxxi. 19, 7 ; App. Syr, 5. 

« Polyb. xxi. 20, 8. * App. Syr, 6. • Liv. xxxv. 18, 6 f. 


T. Antiochus III, ihf: Grkat Kinc;. 

2. TfiE Same. 


4. Pjiilip, the son of Demetrius, King of Macedonia (229-1791. 

5. Antiociitts, THi: son of Seleiicl's IV (?). See Vol. II, p. 126. 

6. Demetrifs, the son of Efthypemus. of Ractrta. 

7. Antiocitus IV Eptphanes. 

8. Head of Zeus on a coin of Antiochus Epiphanes, supposed 

to show resemblance to the King's portraii. 

9. Antiochus IV Epiphanes. 

10. Antiochus V Eupaior. 

11. Demetrius I Sotfr. 

12. Ihf Samf. 



Hannibal indeed was the element in the situation which 
at Rome induced the most qualms. There was no other man 
who affected the Soman heart with the same emotions of 
inextinguishable resentment and dread. The feeling of those 
days could never be forgotten when he had come so near 
possessing their altars and homes. It was only the insufficiency 
of his resources which had saved the Eepublic out of his 
hand, {md now his genius was united with the resources 
(fabulously conceived) of the East. Soon after the Roman 
ambassadors had left for Asia, the emissaries of the oligarchic 
party at Carthage brought to Rome the report of his far- 
reaching activity, of the contemplated invasion of Italy, of 
the intrigues of Ariston with the popular faction at Carthage. 
The fact that Ariston was a Tyrian, not a Carthaginian 
citizen, had saved his skin, since violence done to her citizen 
Tyre might have avenged by reprisals on Carthaginian traders, 
but the suspicions of the Carthaginian government had obliged 
him to leave the city. He did his best before leaving to 
compromise the oligarchs with Rome — an inconvenience they 
sought to remedy by reporting all their conjectures to the 
Roman Senate.^ 

According to Nepos, Hannibal himself in 193, the fourth 
year of his exile, had made an attempt to raise Carthage by 
landing with five vessels on the Cyrenai'c coast. It was at a 
moment when hia great plan of campaign had apparently heen 
accepted by Antiochus, and this was his part in it He 
summoned his brother Mago to join him. Mago did so. 
But the Carthaginian authorities did not waver ; they passed 
the same sentence of banishment upon Mago as upon Hannibal. 
It became apparent that the attempt had failed, and Hannibal 
returned to Antiochus.^ 

The Roman ambassadors on their part did what they 
could to shake the position of Hannibal at the Seleucid court. 
Its weak point, they knew, was in the jealousies and suspicions 
of the autocrat who employed him, and of this they did their 
best to take advantage. He was at that moment at Ephesus, 

^ Liv. xxziv. 61 ; App. Syr, 8 ; Just xxxL 4, 1 f. 

' NepoB, Hwnnib, 8. This is the only place, I believe, where there is any 
allusioii to this episode. 


separated from the King, who was still fighting among the 
Pisidian hills, and when the ambassadors understood this 
favourable juncture, although their chief Sulpicius was too ill 
to leave Pergamos, Villius hurried on to Ephesus. There the 
Eoman engaged Hannibal, so far as he could, in familiar 
converse, and, whilst making a show of generosity, contrived 
to awake in the mind of Antiochus the suspicion that his 
great ally was playing a double game.^ 

Antiochus, as soon as he learnt the arrival of Villius at 
Ephesus, suspended operations against the hill folk and came 
down to Apamea, the Phrygian capital The ambassador pro- 
ceeded from the coast to the same city. The old arguments 
were gone through on either side once more, with as little 
result as ever. Then the conference, like the previous one at 
Lysimachia, was brought to a premature close by sudden tidings. 
The young Antiochus, the heir-apparent to the Seleucid throne, 
who had now shared the royal title for about seventeen years, 
was unexpectedly deceased in Syria. Whispers of foul play, how 
far justified we cannot know, ran abroad ; it was the jealousy 
of the King at his son's popularity, or his preference for the 
younger Seleucus. At any rate, the court at Apamea abandoned 
itself to mourning, and diplomatic propriety made Villius take 
his leave and return to Pergamos. Antiochus, without resum- 
ing the subjugation of the Pisidians, moved to Ephesus. At 
Ephesus the King continued to hold himself withdrawn from 
public intercourse. He was continually closeted with Minnio, 
the chief of the "Friends" {princeps amicorum), whose ch/itir- 
vinistic proclivities were known — an indication of the drift 
of the royal policy. Presently the Roman ambassadors were 
invited from Pergamos to a discussion with Alinnio of the 
questions at issue.^ The King himself did not appear. Again 
the barren controversy as to Smyrna and Lampsacus, which did 
not really touch the ground of quarrel, was agitated. Minnio 
pressed the point that the Romans, who set up to be the 
champions ot" Hellenic liberty in Asia, themselves held the 
Greek cities of Italy and Sicily — Naples, Tarentum and 
Syracuse — in subjection. This the Roman envoys evaded 
by a new distinction ; their sovereignty over the Greek cities 

^ Liv. XXXV. 14, 1 f. : Polyb. iii. 11, 1 f. ^ Liv. xxxv. 15. 


of the West had been unifonn and continuous; the Greek 
cities of Asia in question had passed long ago from Seleucid 
rule to Ptolemy or Philip, or had in some cases acquired de 
facto independence. The distinction hardly removed the 
inconsistency ; if it was lawful to keep Greek cities in sub- 
jection, it could hardly be outrageous to reconquer them. 
Then, as before at Lysimachia, the ambassadors of Smyrna 
and Lampsacus were called in. They had been drilled for 
their part by Eumenes, and with the encouragement of the 
Eomans talked somewhat wildly. The conference ended in 
noisy words, and the Eoman ambassadors, without having 
accomplished anything, returned home.^ 

This diplomatic trifling served, at any rate, to convince 
either side that war was now inevitable. It was spoken of at 
Rome as an ultimate, if not an immediate, certainty. At 
Ephesus the more fiery spirits began to clamour for it in the 
council of the King. Adventurers from Greece, like Alexander 
the Acamanian,- talked excitedly of what would happen when 
Antiochus appeared on the other side of the Aegean, of the 
simultaneous rising of the Aetolians, Nabis the tyrant of 
Sparta, and, a bove all, PliUip- Alexander had once been a 
familiar of that king's, and recounted how he had heard him 
again and again pray the gods during his war with Rome for 
the co-operation of his Seleucid ally. Did it occur to any one 
to reflect that, if this was true, the discovery that his Seleucid 
ally left him after all in the lurch might have had some effect I 
upon the sentiments of Philip ? ^ 

It is indeed hard to see what issue the situation could 
have had but war. And that, although war was by no means 

^ Liv. xzzT. 16-17, 2. According to Appian {Syr, 12), Antiochus engaged 
(either at Apamea or through Miunio) to respect the autonomy of Rhodes, 
Byzantium and Cyzicus. This statement is coufiniied by the recorded dealings 
of Antiochus with the two first-named states. The narrative of App. is extremely 
careless. He confuses tho conference of the Romans with Antiochus at A{)amea 
and the conference with Minnio at fiphesus ; he also makes tho news of the death 
of the young Antiochus not reach hid father till immediately before his departure 
for Greece in the autumn. 

^ Among the irpi^€voi nt Delphi for the last half of 194 appear Alexander, the 
son of Antiochus the Acarnanian, and his sons, Philip and Antigonus (Michel, 
No. 655). It was obviously a family which affected the names of the Macedonian 
royal houses. ^ Liv. xxxv. 17, 3-18, 8. 


desired by either of the principals : Borne had hoped against 
hope to avert it by diplomacy. Flushed as the Somans were 
with the victories over Carthage and Macedonia, a contest 
with the Seleucid King would involve them with the unfamiliar 
East, with an adversary seen in the glamour of illimitable 
dominion and exhaustless treasuries. Before the unknown 
entanglements of such a struggle the homely sense of the 
Boman fathers recoiled.^ They were, nevertheless, resolved to 
maintain the Boman influence in Greece even at the cost of 
war. Antiochus on his part felt his nerve fail, as is shown by 
his long hesitation, at the prospect of trying issues with the 
legions ; he was not disposed to declare war ; at the same time 
he was informed that measures, which presented themselves to 
him as steps in the resumption of his legitimate inheritance, 
were regarded by Bome as hostile acts. Neither party 
in fact, desirous as they were of peace, could renounce its 
colliding ambitions. It may, however, be that had Bome and 
the house of Seleucus been the only agents in the matter, the 
caution of either side might have led to such an adjournment 
of the crisis as ultimately to make a modus vivendi possible ; 
Antiochus might have relinquished Greece and Bome acquiesced 
in the occupation of Thrace. But there were those among the 
subordinate agents who exerted all their force to push the two 
great powers to a conflict. Hannibal saw in war a chance of 
avenging his country upon the oppressor ; Eumenes of Pergamos 
a chance of aggrandizing his kingdom ; above all, the mass of 
the Aetolians were eager to stir up trouble. A situation so 
delicately balanced was at the mercy of the subordinate agents. 
The antagonism between Bome and the Seleucid King was 
a cleft which extended to the whole family of Greek states. 
The cleft was not so much between state and state as between 
the two factions of oligarchs and democrats, rich and poor, into 
which every Greek state was divided. The Boman party 
coincided in most cases with the oligarchical, the party 
favourable to Antiochus with the democratic.^ Even among 
the Aetolians many persons of influence were opposed to a 

^ App. Syr, 16 ; cf. Tacitus, Ann, ii. 68. ' * Non Philippum Atheniensibus, 
non Pyrram aut Antiochum populo Romano perinde metuendos faisse." 
•^ Liv. XXXV. 34, 3 f. 


rupture with Eome.^ The reason of this connexion lay deeper 
than the mere policy of the Eoman aristocracy to foster 
oligarchical institutions in the states to which its influence 
extended. That policy itself was based upon a natural alliance 
between the well-to-do classes everywhere and Rome. The 
Soman ascendancy on the one hand violated the imaginative 
ideal of the Greeks — Hellas completely free from barbarian 
control ; on the other hand it gave, when once established, a 
novel guarantee for social stability. Now the propertied 
classes would at once be far less affected by sentimental con- 
siderations than the people, and would lose instead of gaining 
by disturbances of the statibs quo. To impose upon sentiment 
and imagination, the Seleucid King was more favourably 
situated than Rome. All that the name of Great King 
had evoked for generations, to the inhabitants of the Greek 
lands, of splendour and riches belonged to him, all the 
memories of the Greek conquest of the Persian Empire 
illuminated his diadem ; upon him the glories of Xerxes and 
of Alexander converged. He could appear too to the Greeks, 
as the Romans could not, in the light of a compatriot. What- 
ever taint of barbarism had attached before Alexander to the 
Macedonian princes, the courts of his successors were Greek in 
their language and intellectual atmosphere, Greek to a large 
extent in blood and manners. One must add to this the 
personal lustre which had invested Antiochus III since his 
eastern expedition, the vision of the Indian elephants, of the 
mountains of gold, of the innumerable chivalry of the East 
which were conjured up by those who came from his court. 
The democracy of the Greek cities was ready, so soon after it 
had sobbed with emotion at the grant of freedom by phil- 
Hellenic Rome, to welcome Antiochus as the saviour of 
Hellenism. In the struggle of the two factions within the 
various states the war between Antiochus and Rome was 
already in a sense begun. 

The ambassadors returned to Rome in 192 soon after the 
consuls for that year had entered upon their office. Their 
report showed the senate that no casus bdli had as yet arisen,^ 
but the presentiment of war grew daily stronger. The air 

1 Liv. XXXV. 83. » Ibid. 22, 1. 




was thick with rumours. Attalus himself, the brother of the 
reigning Eumenes of Peigamos, brought the assurance that 
Antiochus had already crossed the Hellespont with an army, 
and that the Aetolians were ready to spring to arms at his 
arrival in Greece.^ The Senate took vigorous defensive 
measures. One Eonian squadron had already early in the 
year sailed for Greek waters under the praetor Atilius to 
overawe Nabis ; under the impulse of fresh alarms some legions 
were stationed under another praetor, Marcus Baebius, at 
Tarentum and Brundisium, ready to cross at a moment's notice 
to Greece ; a squadron of twenty ships was set to cruise off 
Sicily, where an attack of the Seleucid fleet was apprehended ; 
and the governor of Sicily was instructed to levy fresh forces 
and maintain a strict watch along the eastern shores of the 
island. The force under Baebius was before long moved 
across the Adriatic and concentrated at Apollonia. The 
construction of fresh ships of war was pushed busily forward.^ 
But the preparations on either side during the earlier part 
of 192 were not only military and naval. Diplomacy had 
still a work to do. That work, however, was now no longer 
to obviate a collision between Antiochus and Eome ; it was to 
secure the adherence to the one side or the other of that country 
where the first encounter would take place, to prepare the 
ground in Greece. The connexions of Antiochus were naturally 
closest with the Aetolians. No less responsible a person than 
Thoas, the strategos of the Aetolian Confederation, had been 
deputed as the intermediary in these transactions at the Seleucid 
court. ^ In the course of 192 he returned to Greece, bringing 
Menippus, the late ambassador to Rome, with him. There was 
still a party among the Aetolians who advocated peace, and it 
was thought that the representations of Menippus would be 
useful in confirming the warlike temper of the majority. The 
Romans on their side were equally busy in bringing diplomatic 
pressure to bear upon the mobile Greeks. Titus Flamininus 
himself, the great phil-Hellene whose influence in Greece 
was paternal, was sent in 192, with Villius and other 
colleagues, to remind the Greek states of their engagements.* 

^ Liv. XXXV. 23. « Ibid. 24. » Polyb. xxi. 31, 13. 

^ The letter of Titus to the Theaaaliau Cyretiae (Michel, No. 44) granting the 


Nabis had already taken up arms and was involved in a war 
with the Achaean League, which the Eomans left to take its 
natural course, seeing in it a guarantee of Achaean fidelity. 
Chalcis and Demetrias, the two "fetters" of Greece, were 
visited. At both the authority of Flamininus sufficed to drive 
the head of the anti-Eoman party into exile.^ In Aetolia, on 
the other hand, Flamininus failed to make any impression upon 
the excited people, now more than ever inflamed by the gorgeous 
descriptions of Menippus. The Great King was bringing 
enough gold with him to buy up Rome. Amid great popular 
effervescence the Federal Assembly passed a decree which called 
on Antiochus to liberate Greece and decide the controversy 
between the Confederation and Eome. Flamininus himself 
was not present on the occasion, and when he asked Damocritus, 
who was now strategos, to give him a copy of the decree, the 
hot-headed Greek bade him wait for his answer till the Aetolians 
were encamped on the hanks of the Tiber? 

The rupture between the AetoUans and Rome was thus 
complete. It now became a matter of inmiediate necessity to 
the Aetolians to occupy the points of vantage against the coming 
of the Great King. Thoas was commissioned to secure Chalcis 
¥rith the help of the anti- Roman party in the city and a 
merchant-prince of Cius, Herodorus, whose connexions there 
were considerable. Another Aetolian, Diodes, was sent on a 
similar errand to Demetrias. A third was to seize Sparta, 
where Nabis was now hemmed in by the victorious Achaeans. 
Of these enterprises that of Diodes alone met with success. 
An Aetolian garrison occupied Demetrias, and the friends of 
Rome were put to the sword. At Chalcis the attempt of 
Thoas was repulsed by the Roman party, thanks to the help 
of Eretria and Carystus. In Sparta the Aetolian force, after 
they had treacherously assassinated Nabis, was cut to pieces by 
the indignant Lacedaemonians. Demetrias, however, was securely 
held, and the anti-Roman magistrates refused to admit Villius 
when Flamininus sent him to recover the city, if it might be, 
by his earnest representations. The main door of Greece, 

city certain properties, which the Romaiu had confiscated, may belong to the 
diplomatic manceuTres of this time. 

1 Liv. XXXV. 31. 9 Ibid. 32. 



which the Bomans had evacuated two years before, was now 
held open for Antiochns. Thoas hjustened to Asia to carry him 
the tidings.^ 

Whilst his agents had been working against the Roman 
cause in Greece, Antiochus himself had not been idle. Now 
that all attempts to compose by diplomacy the differences 
between himself and Rome had been dropped, Antiochus hfid 
with the campaigning season of 192 resumed his efforts to 
subjugate, as a preliminary to his invasion of Greece, the 
independent cities of Asia by force of arms.^ Smyrna and 
Lampsacus, however, to which we now find the name of 
Alexandria Trojus added, were still unsubdued when Thoas 
arrived with the news that Demetrias was secured. He 
found Antiochus still full of hesitations. The King was not 
only unwilling to start for Greece till the reduction of the 
cities had secured his base, but he could not make up his 
mind what to do with Hannibal. A fleet of open vessels, 
with which the exile was to make a diversion in Africa, was, 
after long Oriental delays, at last ready. But Antiochus had 
developed by then a reluctance to entrust the great Carthaginian 
with an independent commission. Hannibal had been able in 
some degree to reassure him as to his sincerity after the doubts 
aroused by the attentions of Villius early in the year.^ But his 
great abilities still showed to the masterful and jealous Eling 
in the light of a disqualification for service. Upon this posture 
of affairs Thoas supervened, and prevailed upon the irresolution 
of the court by his decision, assurance and boundless mendacity. 
The highly-coloured picture he gave Antiochus of the situation 
in Greece was as false as the picture which he and his friends 
had given his wavering countrymen of the apparition of the 
Great King. His counsels were at the same time determined 
by the separate interests which the war -party in Aetolia 
intended a conflict between the two great powers of East and 
West to promote, and pointed therefore to the concentration of 
the King's forces upon Greece. Thoas thus found himself 
opposed to Hannibal, whose outlook upon the war was of 

1 Liv. XXXV. 34-89. 

'^ Smyrna bad already in 195 erected a temple to the goddess Roma, Tac 
^ftn, jv. i>6. ' Polyb, iiL 11 ; Liv. xxxv. 19. 


wider reach, and who saw in the invasion of Greece only a 
detail in a large scheme of attack, of which the telling stroke 
was the invasion of Italy. Thotus, much more than Hannibal, 
had the King's ear, and under his influence the well-considered 
plan of action in the western Mediterranean was dropped 
and Hannibal reduced to the inofifensive rdle of unheeded 

The invasion of Greece — this now occupied all the thoughts y^ 
of Antiochus. The favourable opening given by the capture 
of Demetrias must not be let slip. The great project, so long 
the theme of courtiers, was at last come near accomplishment. 
As a solemn inauguration of the enterprise, Antiochus made 
the short voyage to Ilion, and sacrificed to the ancient Athena, 
as Xerxes had done before he invaded Europe, and Alexander 
when he invaded Asia. On his return to Ephesus, although 
the year was advanced, the forces destined for the invasion 
of Greece put out to sea — 40 decked ships, 60 open, and 
200 transports.^ 

Passing by Imbros and Sciathos, the armada touched the 
Greek mainland at Pteleum, on the left side of the entrance 
of the Pagasaean Gulf. Here the King was received by 
Eurylochus and others of the party now dominant among 
the Magnesians and escorted the following day to De- 

Antiochus was really on Greek soil at last ! It was, | i/ 
however, characteristic of his procedure that, in spite of the 
years during which his hand had hovered to strike, the blow 
in the end was hurried and feeble. No adequate force was 
ready for the enterprise; instead of the looked-for myriads, 
the ruler of Asia had brought with him only 10,000 foot, 
500 horse, and 6 elephants — "a force hardly large enough 
for the bare occupation of Greece, to say nothing of the strain 
of a war with Eome." * He had crossed incontinently, when 
the winter gales were already beginning, and although he had 
escaped with a buffeting, his little anny was cut off from 
reinforcements till the following spring. In such a position 
he depended entirely upon the energy of the Aetolians, as 

1 Liv. XXXV. 42. « Jlnd. 43, 1-3. 

» Ihid. 43, 4 f. * Ibid, 43, 6. 


indeed it had been in reliance upon the assurances of Thoas 
that he had taken his resolve. 

On the news that the Great King was landed, a wave of 
excitement swept over Greece, not unmixed with disappoint- 
ment at the meanness of his following. The political situation 
his presence created was to some extent ambiguous. He still 
professed innocence of any purpose hostile to Eome. He had 
not come to conquer Roman territory, but to achieve the very 
thing which the Bomans declared to be their object — to 
emancipate Hellas from foreign controL If the Bomans were 
sincere in recognizing Greek independence, what objection 
could they raise to the presence of a friendly king on these 
shores ? If the Greeks were free, why might they not be 
friends with Rome and Antiochus alike ? It cannot be 
denied that the glowing language of the phil-Hellenic party in 
Rome gave some hold to such contentions.^ 

But the phrases of neither side could now conceal 
from anybody the real fact that what each power meant 
by the freedom of Greece was the predominance in every 
state of the faction subservient to itself — ^in fine, its own 

Immediately after the arrival of Antiochus at Demetrias 
a meeting of the Aetolian Federal Assembly was held at 
Lamia (in Aetolian possession for the last century),* confirming 
the previous invitation to Antiochus. The King appeared in 
person. He was received with a storm of applause. Under 
the circumstances his speech was necessarily somewhat 
apologetic, but he promised that the spring should really 
show Greece those colossal armies and fleets of which they 
had heard so much ; and meanwhile — well, he would thank 
the Aetolians to provide supplies for the troops which 
accompanied him. The Roman party among the Aetolians, 
reduced to futilities, were for an impossible compromise, by 
which, instead of war being declared with Rome, the services 
of Antiochus should be requested, as arbitrator only.* It 
happened that the president of the year belonged to this party, 

* Liv. xxxT. 46, 6 f . * Niese ii. p. 8. 

' The party of wealth among the Aetolians was more than proportionately 
npresented in the Council, Brandstadter, 0€$eh, du Adolitth, LandeSf p. 808. 


but even his influence was overwhelmed by the popular 
feeling. Antiochus was elected Commander-in-Chief of the 
Confederation, and a body of thirty, chosen from among the 
Inner Council, the Apokletoi, was appointed to assist him with 
its advice.^ 

* Liv. XXXV. 43, 7-44, 9 ; Polyb. xx. 1. Appian {Syr. 12) puts the ©lection 
of Antiochus as crparriybt avroKpdrutp hefort the mission of Thoas to Asia. 



The Great King wjus in Greece. He and his Aetolian 
allies were confronted by a twofold problem — how to make 
themselves masters of the country, and how to parry the 
consequent attack of Eome. They must proceed at once to 
the accomplishment of the first part of their task if there was 
to be any chance of their succeeding in the second. Greece 
lay before them derelict, left by the expulsion of the 
Macedonians and the retirement of Bome to its own caprices 
and powers of defence. The sudden move of Antiochus in 
entering Greece at that late season of the year, with many 
drawbacks, had one advantage. It had taken Eome by 
surprise. Eome had absolutely no troops on the east of the 
Adriatic except the force of Baebius at Apollonia — two legions 
o^^lt ^^^^ auxiliary contingents — whicli could not cross the 

mountains of Epirus till the spring, and the 3000 Eoman and 
Italian infantry on the vessels of the praetor Atilius. Titus 
Flamininus and his fellow-commissioners had to depend almost 
entirely for stopping the progress of Antiochus upon the 
levies of the Greek states themselves, the states friendly to 
Eome. Upon these, however, they could count only so long 
as the states themselves did not veer, and there was, we have 
seen, in all or most of them, a party favourable to Antiochus. 
A series of not unlikely changes of government, if one may 
use the modern phrase, might put Antiochus ipso facto in 
possession of Greece. The only body of troops not drawn 
from the country itself which the Eomans had at their 
disposal, beside the 3000 with Atilius, was the Pergamene 




force brought up at a fortunate moment by Bling Eumenes. 
His squadron had appeared in the Euripus just after the 
attempt of the Aetolians upon Chalcis had failed, and whilst 
Eumenes proceeded himself to Athens he had dropped in 
Chalcis, by the request of Flamininus, a garrison of five 
hundred.^ Only two years before the great Liberator had 
drawn the Roman garrison from that critical post with every 
circumstance of disinterestedness and magnanimity. 

Antiochus and the Aetolians immediately put forth all 
they commanded of material force or diplomatic address to 
win over the cities and states of Greece. The Roman envoys, 
on the other hand, brought their moral weight to bear to keep 
the states faithful. There ensued everywhere simultaneously 
an intense trial of strength between the two parties.^ The 
Boeotian League soon began to trim.® Even the favoured 
Athens showed signs of unrest, and Flamininus was called in 
by the Roman party to drive the popular leader ApoUodorus 
into exile, whilst an Achaean garrison of 500 was lodged in 
the Piraeus.* 

At Aegium, before the Achaean Assembly, the envoys of 
Antiochus and Flamininus met face to face. In answer to 
the royal envoy's imposing catalogue of the nations which his 
master would bring into the field — Kurds, Parthians, Medes 
and Elamites — the Roman propounded a homely parable. It \ 
reminded him, he said, of a friend of his who set what seemed 
every variety of flesh and game before his guests, and in the 
end it turned out to be all culinary disguises of the common 
pig ! All these formidable names cloked the same miserable 
breed of Syrians ! — a statement of a fine free boldness in 
ethnology. Of the Achaeans Antiochus had thought it unwise 
to ask more than neutrality ; but here the Roman influence 
was so strong that even this proposition was rejected and the 
Achaean militia placed at Flamininus' disposal.^ 

Chalcis, of course, was the point of the most immediate 

* Liv. XXXV. 89. 

* Niese (ii. p. 692, note 4) points out tlmt the elder Cato was sent from Rome 
Kt this time to co-operate with Flamininus, and was active in Corinth, Patrae, 
A&*<ium and Athens, Plutarch, Goto Major, 12. 

* Liv. XXXV. 60, 5 ; Polyb. xx. 2. "* Liv. xxxv. 50, 8. 
' Ibid, 48 f. ; Plutarch, Titus, 17. 



consequence to Antiochus. His first attempt to seize it had 
Iteen conducted in person, as the initial step in that plan of 
campaign which he had concerted with the Aetolians. But 
the Roman party in power, led by the magistrate Micythion,^ 
resisted his overtures, encouraged, no doubt, by the Pergamene 
force within their walls. It could not fail to come now to an 
exertion of force, on the one side to capture, on the other to 
retain, the important city.^ 

Antiochus, after his rebuflf, had withdrawn to Demetrias 
to gather troops, and an advanced detachment under Menippus 
of 3000 was soon on its way, supported by the Seleucid fleet 
under Polyxenidas. This man, the King's admiral, is the 
same Rhodian exile of whom we heard seventeen years ago as 
the commander of a Cretan corps in Parthia. Antiochus 
himself followed with the main body — 6000 of his own 
troops and a hastily levied body of Aetolians whom he 
picked up at Lamia. The opposite side, on their part, 
hurried up reinforcements. Eumenes sent on an addition 
to the Pergamene garrison under Xenoclides, one of the 
chiefs of the Roman party in Chalcis ; the Achaeans, at 
Flamininus' suggestion, a body of 500 men, and a third body 
of 500 Romans (drawn doubtless from the ships of Atilius) 
followed at an interval. All these bodies were racing for the 
Euboean Straits. The Achaeans and the men of Eumenes 
arrived first and threw themselves into the city. Next came 
Menippus, and by occupying Hermaeum, the embarking-place 
near Salganeus, cut oflf the Roman force from the passage. The 
latter, on finding this, moved to Delium, twelve miles along the 
coast, in order to cross thence. War, in spite of all the diplomatic 
contention and the manoeuvring of troops, had not been declared, 
but Menippus could now only preserve the forms of peace by 
allowing the Roman force to proceed. With this alternative 
he fell upon them suddenly, in the very sanctuary of Apollo, 
cut down the majority, and took fifty prisoners; only a 
handful escaped. The first blood was drawn in the quarrel 
For the moment the sudden stroke was brilliantly successful. 

I ^iKvBLuif MiKvXluyos XaXxidchf Michel, No. 655, 1. 230. Appian (^i^. 12 
makes him a general of Antiochus, confusing him with Menippus ! 
^ Liv. XXXV. 46. 







i _ 


When the King moved up to Aulis the Roman party in 
Chalcis were cowed and the city opened its gates. Micy- 
thion, Xenoclides and their partizans fled. The Achaean 
and Pergamene forces, as well as the survivors of the Romans, 
entrenched themselves in the little towns on the mainland 
opposite, but were compelled to evacuate them on the King's 
promising to let them depart unmolested. The fall of 
Chalcis was immediately followed by the submission of the 
whole of Eubcea.^ 

The Roman commissioners were now unable to prevent 
the movement in Antiochus' favour spreading like fire 
throughout Greece. Elis, by tradition associated with 
Aetolia and hostile to the Achaeans, notified him of its 
adherence. The Epirots thought it prudent to secure them- 
selves on both sides by ofifering their alliance, but offering it 
on condition that Antiochus should move into their country.^ 
Boeotia ranged itself definitely at last on his side and 
received him at Thebes with popular acclamations.^ His 
statue was erected by the League in the temple of Pallas 
Itonia at Coronea.* 

A more useful ally than any of these Greek states Antiochus 
had in Amynander, the king of the Athamanians, one of the 
semi-barbarous peoples, akin to the Hellenes, who inhabited 
the mountain regions on the confines of Aetolia and Thessaly. 
Amynander was now to a large extent under the influence of 
an adventurer, who played a somewhat conspicuous part in 
the events of that time, a certain Philip of Megalopolis. 
This man was of a Macedonian family settled in Arcadia, and 
he made no less a claim than to be descended from Alexander 
himself.^ His sister, who bore the royal name of Apama, 
was married to Amynander, and Philip accompanied her to 
the Athamanian court as a convenient place whence he could 

1 Liv. xxzv. 60, 6 f. ; App. Syr, 12 ; Diod. xiix. 1. 

' Liv. xxxvi. 5, Polyb. xx. 3. ^ Liv. xxxvL 6 ; Polyb. xx. 7. 

< Liv. xxxvi. 20, 3. 

'^ Niese (ii. p. 693, note 2) suggests that his reputed ancestor was Heracles, 
the illegitimate son of Alexander. It is equally possible that it was the young 
Alexander. When princes are secretly made away with, it is almost the rule for 
stories to go abroad that they really survived unknown. Is it not the case that 
to-day in France there is some one who induces a number of people to believe 
him the descendant of Louis XVII ? 





blazon his pretensions to the Macedonian throne. Even if 
he was not taken altogether seriously by the world at large, 
Antiochiis and the Aetolians thought it worth while, in order 
to secure the co-operation of Amynander, taj?^courage.Phili^'s 
ambitioB. If they still had any hopes of the real King 
Philip's help, this was hardly the way to make him their 

The King's heart was lifted high by these successes. He 
was of too unsteady a judgment to feel how unsubstantial 
they were. He had seized the object of his ambition in the 
absence of the competitor ; the real bout would not begin till 
Borne turned to recover what it had lost The adhesion of 
Eleans and Boeotians, in the moment that he possessed the 
field, meant littla Their co-operation was a feeble quantity, 
even if it were assured, and it would be assured only so long 
as it seemed to pay. To achieve the first part of the task, 
to occupy Greece (and even that Antiochus had done so far 
very imperfectly), was futile in the extreme, unless the second 
part of it, the repulse of Bome, was to be achieved in its 
turn. A commander of any sense in the position of Antiochus 
would have subordinated every consideration to that of check- 
ing the Boman attack which must come with the opening 

The natural barriers which defended Greece on the side of 
Bome were, first the sea, and secondly the mountains of 
Epirus, in conjunction with the dominions of Philip. Instead 
of using every effort to gain command of these, Antiochus 
called a council of his allies at Demetrias to form plans for 
the occupation of Thessaly. Hannibal, since the influence of 
Thoas had been in the ascendant with Antiochus, had been 
relegated to the background. On this occasion, however, our 
account says, the King asked his opinion. Then amidst the 
extravagances of courtiers a sane voice made itself heard. 
Hannibal tried to open the King's eyes; it was with Bome 
he had to do. The plan he proposed included the establish- 
ment of a naval base at Corcyra, to command the sea on the 
west ; the occupation in strength by the King himself of the 
valley of the Aous, to prevent the Bomans throwing troops 

^ Liv. xxxT. 47 ; App. Syr, 13. 


across the mountains of Epinis from ApoUonia, and, above 
all, an alliance with Philip, without which the Romans could 
move troops from Apollonia into Greece by way of western 
Macedonia. The alliance of Philip would be the greatest 
weight in the scalqs ; and if it could not be procured, Philip 
must at least be rendered harmless by the King's son, 
Seleucus, making a diversion on his Thracian frontier. Be- 
sides this, since Antiochus had, against Hannibal's advice, 
chosen as the battle-ground between himself and Rome a 
country such as Greece, which could furnish him but poorly 
with provisions or troops, he must remedy these disadvantages 
by importing men, material and food on a large scale from 
Asia, and use all the naval force available for keeping the 
army in Greece in touch with its source of supplies. The 
only part of this scheme which the Seleucid council thought 
fit to adopt was the dispatch of Polyxenidas to bring up 
reinforcements from Asia.^ 

Whether an alliance with Philip, as Hannibal advised, was 
really a practicable policy may be questioned. Hannibal, 
looking at the situation solely in reference to a conflict with 
Rome, was, of course, perfectly right from his point of view — 
the strategical. But the political difficulties of such a course ^ 
were probably insuperable — that is, if_ Antiochus intended to 
retain an ascendancy in Greece. The house of Antigonus 
coidd never do anything to help the house of Seleucus to th at. 
It seems that Philip afterwards asserted that Antiochus had at 
one time offered him as the price of his alliance 3000 talents, 
50 decked ships, and all the Greek states which he had H 
fomerlj_dpminated.^ If this was true it was certainly not '•' 
disinterested attachment to Rome which made Philip refuse 
the offer.* But whilst Antiochus was debarred from an 
alliance, to^nduce Philip to remain a passive spectator was 
probably possible by careful management. A difficulty was, 
no doubt, constituted by Philip of Megalopolis. To countenance 
him perhaps appeared necessary in order to retain the Atha- 

* Lir. xxzvi. 6 f. ; App. Syr. 14. ^ Liv. xxziz. 28. 

' Kb Flathe {Oeschichie Mcuxdontens^ ii. p. 424, note) observes, it is difficult to 
believe, *'das8 Autiochos seine Bedingongen in der That so, wie Philipp sagt, 
gestellt hat. Was wUrden dazu alle Griechen und die Aetoler gemeint haben ! " 





maniaD alliance ; but he could not be countenanced without 
serious offence to King Philip. It may have been that 
Antiochus felt he had to choose between the active co-opera- 
tion of the Athamanians and the neutrality of Macedonia, and 
preferred to sacrifice the latter. Prudence, at any rate, directed 
that, if the claims of Philip of Megalopolis were supported, he 
should be dissuaded, as far as possible, from flaunting them in 
such a way as to goad Elng Philip into active hostility. This 
Antiochus failed to do. The pretender was allowed to inter 
with ostentatious ceremony the bones of the Macedonian 
soldiers, which King Philip had been obliged to leave 
whitening the field of Cynos-cephalae. It was an outrageous 
blunder. Before Antiochus had been many months on Greek 
soil, the King of Macedonia was offering himself^ heart and 
soul, to the Boman praetor, Marcus Baebius, at Apollonia.^ 

When the funeral of the fallen Macedonians was celebrated, 
the army of Antiochus was already encamped by the Thessalian 
city of Pherae. Thessaly, surrounded on all sides by mountains, 
is again divided by a line of hills which run through it north 
and south into an eastern and a western plain. It was in 
the former that the three great cities of Thessaly, Larissa, 
Crannon and Pherae, were placed. The Eomans, after 
wresting this country from the dominion of Macedonia, had 
formed the Thessalians into a distinct confederation, setting the 
seat of the federal government at Larissa. 

Antiochus, moving from Demetrias and crossing the rim 
of hills which surrounds Thessaly by the pass now called 
Pilav-Tepd, would descend immediately upon Pherae. The 
whole distance between Demetrias and this town is not 
more than twelve miles. As soon as he had been joined by 
the Aetolians and Athamanians, the work of capturing the 
Thessalian towns began. The government friendly to herself, 
which Eome had installed at Larissa, sent reinforcements in 
vain. First Pherae was summoned to embrace the cause of 
Antiochus, and when the authorities within refused, it was 
reduced by force. The surrender of Scotussa, across the 
jagged hills which here divide the two plains, inmiediately 
followed. Then Crannon fell — all within ten days of the 

^ Liv. xxxvL 8 ; App. Syr, 16. 


King*s appearance in Thessaly. At Crannon Antiochns was only 
ten miles from Larissa.^ But before approaching the capital 
of the League the allied forces turned back to subjugate the 
western plain, and received the submission of Cierium and 
Metropolis (near mod. Karditsa). We can perhaps trace the 
impatience of the Aetolians and Athamanians to possess them- 
selves of this region neighbouring their own mountains. The 
northern parts of the plain were, at any rate, after conquest 
made over specially to the Athamanians: Aeginium (mod. 
Kalabaka), commanding the pass through the mountains to the 
north-west where the Peneus breaks through into the Thessalian 
plains ; Gomphi, commanding another pass farther south ; Tricca 
(mod. Trfkkala, the principal town of western Thessaly), on 
a spur of the northern wall above the Peneus — all these and 
other places of less importance are found the following year in 
Athamanian hands. When Antiochus sat down before Larissa 
the rest of Thessaly was already conquered. There were some 
exceptions — Pharsalus in the south, Atrax, the stronghold 
which commanded the road along the Peneus from Larissa to 
the western plain, and Gyrton. Pharsalus, however, before 
the winter closed in voluntarily espoused the King's cause, 
and whilst Antiochus paraded his phalanx and elephants 
before Larissa, the Athamanians and Menippus with an 
Aetolian force were operating separately in Perrhaebia and the 
hills on the north-western corner of Thessaly. Pellinaeum, 
about ten miles above Atrax on a tributary of the Peneus, 
received a strong Athamanian garrison. 

Antiochus, before threatening force against Larissa, had 
exhausted every means of conciliation. He had argued with 
the city's envoys and dismissed unhurt the contingent of 
Larissaeans captured in Scotussa. Neither persuasion nor 
intimidation had availed ; it was late in the season to begin a 
siege. Now, however, Antiochus began to taste the fruits of 
his alienation of Philip. The cordial entente between Phflip 
and the Romans opened the way from ApoUonia into Greece 
through Macedonia. In the country of tlie Uassaretae above 
Apollonia, Philip had a personal conference with Baebius, and 
while Antiochus was winning his easy laurels in Thessaly a 

1 Liv. xxxvi 9-10, 1. 




Boman detachment under Appius Claudius was making its 
way through the defiles of Macedonia, and one night the army 
at Larissa descried its watch-fires on the crest of the hills to 
the north near Gonni Appius disposed his little force so as 
to give it the appearance of a large army. Antiochus still 
shrank, in spite of the unfortunate incident of Delium, from 
overt hostilities with Eonie. He immediately abandoned the 
idea of a siege and retired to Demetrias, alleging the advance 
of winter as a reason for suspending the campaign. Garrisons, 
Seleucid or Athamanian, were left in the conquered towns. 
I^riss^ was saved to the Bomans. They retained, thanks_to 
Philip, the northern gate of Greece.^ 

~ Tn the early winter months of 191, as soon as the new 
consuls, Publius Scipio and Manius Acilius Glabrio, had assumed 
office, the Roman Eepublic, with all religious and formal 
circumstance, declared war on King Antiochus.^ For his part, 
the King employed the winter in contracting a new marriage. 
He had been seized with a passion for the daughter of a 
citizen of Chalcis, Cleoptolemus, and insisted on making her 
his queen, styling her Euboea, as if she were the patron 
goddess of the island. The display and indulgence with 
which it is the fashion of Asiatic courts to celebrate a royal 
marriage were strange to Greece, and the spectacle, combined 
with the inequality of rank and age between the King and 
his bride, and the grave circumstances of the hour, caused 
wide scandal.^ Discipline was relaxed, and the taverns of the 
EubcBan towns were filled with the King's soldiery.* As soon, 
however, as the season allowed, the King took the field. The 
allied forces met at Chaeronea. It was determined as the 
first step of the campaign to conquer Acamania. That this 
movement had a place in any rational scheme of strategy is 
improbable. Acamania adjoined the country of the Aetolians ; 
for ages it had eluded their grasp ; it was the only country 
in northern Greece which had not made its submission to 
Antiochus and his allies. This was probably all; and mean- 
while Greece lay open on the north, and no attempt was made 

* Liv. xxxTL 10 ; App. Syir, 16. ^ Liv. xxxvi. 1. 

» Ihid, 11 ; App. 5yr. 16 ; Polyb. xx. 8 ; Diod. xxix. 2 ; Just xxxi. 6, 8. 

* Plntarch, Fhilop, 17. 


to reduce Lanssa or shut that door against the advance of the 

Antiochus inaugurated the campaign, as he had done that 
of the previous year, by sacrificing at a historic shrine. He had 
now access to the central shrine of the Greek race, to Delphi 
itself, and there he endeavoured to win the favour of the 
patron god of his house, and display himself to the world as 
the consecrated champion of Hellenism, The expedition into 
Acamania brought, after all, little credit. Antiochus did 
indeed occupy Medeon, but this was only through the treachery 
of an Acamanian notable, Mnasilochus, and Clytus, the 
strategos of the Acarnanian Confederation. The island of 
Leucas, the seat of the federal government, was held in awe 
by the fleet of Atilius, a section of which watched events from 
Cephallenia close by. A few other petty towns beside Medeon 
were occupied, but Antiochus was still defied by Thyrreum 
when tidings came which rudely disturbed his dreams of 

The Eomans after declaring war had taken energetic 
measures. They did not, like Antiochus, leave to hazard the 
vital question of supplies. The praetor of the past year in 
Sicily was ordered to stay on in the island with his successor 
and be responsible for the transport of corn from that great 
granary to the army in Greece.^ A commission was sent to 
Carthage to supervise the shipment of African corn to the 
same destination.^ Meanwhile the other states of the Medi- 
terranean were offering their services — Carthage, Masinissa, 
and even Antiochus' own son-in-law, Ptolemy Epiphanes.* 
Most momentous of all was the intimation that the King of 11 V 
Macedonia was at their command. Antiochus found no 
independent support outside Asia and Greece — an indication 
how his chances, after the flourish of his campaign in northern 
Greece, seemed to stand. Rome on her part would not let 
even that admission of weakness escape her which might seem 

* Liv. xxxvi. 11 ; App. Syr, 16. 

2 Liv. xxxvi. 2. > Ibid. 3. 

* Niese (ii. p. 696, note 1) pronounces this embassy of Ptolemy's a fiotion, 
on the ground that, if he had offered help, the Romans would have accepted it. 
But do we know all the considerations which would bo present to the mind of 
the Romans in such a matter ? 



implied in her accepting help from without She would 
take nothing from the African powers but the grain of 
Carthage and Numidia, and that for a just price. Of 

I Philip she only required that he should second the Roman 

^ commander.^ 

On the 3rd of May 191 the consul, Manius Acilius, left 
the city in the garb of war. An army of 20,000 foot, Eoman 
and Italian, and 2000 horse was concentrated at Brundisium 
by the 15 th of the same month.^ But Baebius and his two 
legions had taken the offensive before the arrival of the consular 
army upon the scene. Baebius had been content the previous 
year, and justly so, with the relief of Larissa ; as soon as the 
spring came he took advantage of its possession. In con- 
junction with King Philip and a Macedonian army, the pro- 
praetor descended upon Thessaly. The rumour of this advance, 
carried by Octavius, one of the subordinates of Flamininus. to 
Leucas, caused Antiochus to throw up the conquest of 
Acamania and retire in trepidation to Chalcis. 

On entering Thessaly, Baebius and the Macedonians turned 
in the first instance westwards. Their object was, no doubt, 
to free the passes so important for Eoman communications. 
The Perrhaebian towns which Menippus had taken tlie pre- 
ceding year were speedily recaptured, and the Athamanian 
garrisons ejected from the places which they held. Pellinaeum, 
held by the flower of the Athamanian soldiery under Philip 
of Megalopolis, offered a more stubborn resistance. Baebius 
was sitting before it, and King Philip before the neighbouring 
limnaeum,' when the consul Acilius appeared in the Mace- 
donian camp. His legions had still to enter Greece by way 
of Macedonia and Larissa ; the consul had pressed on in 
advance with the mounted troops, either by the same route 
or more directly across the hills. Limnaeum, with its garrison 
of Seleucid and Athamanian troops, at once surrendered ; 
Pellinaeum soon after.* The Iloman and Macedonian forces 
then separated ; Philip carried the war into Athamania itself 

* Li7. xxxvi. 4. 2 /j,^ 3^ 13^ s j^^, 13, 

* Philip of Megalopolis uow fell into the hands of King Philip, who lowered 
hiinaelf to mock the sorry pretender. He ordered his troops to receive him with 
the royal salute, and himself greeted him as "brother," ''hand sane decoro 
maiestati suae ioco." 


and annexed the country, Amynander flying over the borders. 
The consul moved to Larissa to concentrate the Roman troops, 
and thence, after the men were reposed, began the march 

The flimsy fabric of Seleucid rule in Thessaly instantly 
collapsed. Antiochus, still short of troops, could give his 
garrisons there no hope of relief. Even before Acilius had 
reached Larissa, Cierium and Metropolis had advised him of 
their return to allegiance ; Crannon, Scotussa, Pherae, Pharsalus I 
delivered up their garrisons on his approach. These garrisons, 
composed, of course, largely of mercenaries, were, to the 
number of one thousand men, willing to exchange the service I 
of Antiochus for that of Philip. 

Without turning aside to attack Demetrias, the Roman 
commander struck straight for the ridges of Othrys, which 
separate Thessaly from the valley of the Spercheus, It was 
in that valley that Lamia, the capital of the Aetolian League, 
lay ; through it ran the road to central Greece. The Othrys 
range was another defensible barrier between Antiochus and 
the Romans. But as the Romans advanced they met no 
force of the King's. The road over Othrys, about six miles 
from Pharsalus, passes close under the fastness of Proema. 
This yielded to Acilius. Another six miles farther on, where 
the road begins to climb, was the strong town of ThaumacL^ 
Its inhabitants tried to harass the Roman advance by guerilla 
tactics, but got severe punishment. The next day the Romans 
descended the southern slope of Othrys. They began wasting 
the fields of Hypata in the Spercheus valley, about twelve 
miles above Lamia.^ 

It was not cowardice which restrained a king of the 
Seleucid stock from confronting the enemy ; it was the hope- 
less slipshod of his military organization. Antiochus had 
placed no troops upon Othiys because he had none to place. 
The great hosts from Asia, upon which everything hung, had 
never arrived. As soon as the Romans entered Thessaly he 
gave up that country for lost, and removed his base from 
Demetrias to the safer distance of Ghalcis. He had indeed 

^ This is the Domoko, about which we heard in the ^te Greco-Turkish war. 

^ Liv. xzxvi. 14. 


at one moment hoped to arrest the Bomans on Othrys ; some 
scanty reinforcements which had at last straggled across the 
Aegean kept the force at his disposal at its original figure 
of 10,000 foot and 500 horse, in spite of the loss of his 
garrisons in Thessaly.^ He summoned the Aetolians to muster 
at Lamia ; their levy, added to his own force, would make, if 
Thoas had spoken the truth, a respectable total. At Lamia 
disillusionment awaited Antiochus ; some Aetolian notables 
presented their insignificant bands ; these were all, they 
assured him, their utmost endeavours had succeeded in raising. 
The young men nowadays, they added lamely, were not what 
they used to be. Antiochus now understood the real character 
of the high-flown Greek patriotism on which he had counted. 
He finally abandoned Thessaly, Othrys, the Spercheus valley ; 
his only hope lay in checking the Romans at the next harrier, 
the Oeta range, which narrows the entrance into Central 
Greece to the road between mountain and sea at Thermo- 
pylae. If he could hold up the Eomans at that historic 
passage till the expected reinforcements came ! ^ 

Antiochus took up a position on the inner (east) side of 
the p£iss, and laboured to supplement its natural difficulties 
with barricade and trench and walL Time had brought about 
strange revenges when the post of Leonidas was oc<5upied by 
a Hellenic Xerxes, professing to fight in the cause of Greek 
freedom. Aetolian bands to the number of four thousand by 
this time joined him. These Antiochus told off to hinder the 
advance of the Romans by protecting the territory of Hypata 
from their ravages and occupying Heraclea. That city was 
conveniently placed to command the tracks which led across 
the back of Oeta. When, however, the consular army advanced 
steadily, and took up a position at the west end of the pass, 
Antiochus grew uneasy. History furnished him with both 

^ According to Livy (xxxvi. 14, 6) the garrisons in tbe towns captured 
before the separation of the Roman and Macedonian armies amounted to 4000 
men. The paraUel passage in Appian {Syr. 17) says : etXoy ii xal tCjv ^kpno- 
Xcicav is TpiaxMovs, Niese supposes that the 4000 in Livy consist of 3000 
Seleucid troops and 1000 Athamanian and miscellaneous. The garrisons captured 
by the Romans in their advance from Larissa were disarmed and conveyed to 
Demetrias, except the 1000 who voluntarily took service under Philip. Of 
coarse, only a moderate degree of reliance can be placed upon the figures. 

^ Liv. xjlxtI 15 ; App. Syr. 17. 


an encouragement and a warning. It had not been found 
possible to break through the pass if it was resolutely held, 
but over and over again the position of the defenders had 
been turned by the mountain tracks. Antiochus sent a 
message to the Aetolian force in Heraclea to occupy the 
heights. Only half their number thought good to obey this 
order of their Commander-in-Chief.^ 

When the main body of the Romans assaulted the pass 
they were unable to make any impression. Antiochus had 
posted his phalanx, with its huge Macedonian spears, across 
the way, protected on its right, where the beach formed a sort 
of morass, by the elephants, while the heights on its left were 
lined with archers, slingers, and javelineers, who enfiladed 
the Roman column with a galling rain of missiles from the 
unshielded side. Even when the stubborn fury of their attack 
made the phalanx give ground they were brought to a stand 
by the fortifications behind which it retired to renew the 
fight at an incontestable advantage. Then history repeated 
the old drama of Thermopylae. Hie attention of the Seleucid 
troops was caught by a body of men moving far up on the 
heights above them. It must be a reinforcing party of 
Aetolians. As they descended nearer, as their standards and 
equipment became distinguishable, they were known for 
Romans.^ The consul had detailed a part of his infantry 
under the consulars, Lucius Flaccus and Marcus Cato, to force 
the mountain tracks. Two of the Aetolian stations had been 
unsuccessfully attempted by Flaccus, a third had been 
surprised sleeping off its guard by Cato and overpowered. 
It was his force which the defenders of Thermopylae now saw 
taking them in the rear. All that was left was flight. In a 
moment the pass which had bristled with sarissae was choked 
with a stampede — men, horses, elephants flying pSle-mSle, 
The King, wounded in the mouth, did not draw rein till he 
reached Elatea. The Romans followed, hacking at the 
confused mass which blocked their way, as far as Scarphea, 
and would have carried the pursuit farther had there not 
been the royal camp to pillage. But the respite was short. 

^ Liv. xzxvi. 16. 
^ According to App. the Aetolian fugitives were first sighted. 




Next morning before dawn the Soman cavalry was again 
scouring the roads, cutting down the bewildered fugitives 
right and left. The King himself eluded capture. When 
1/ the pursuers reached Elatea he had made off with 500 

men, the relics of his 10,000, to Chalcis.^ 

The Greek expedition of Antiochus would have failed 
even had the Aetolians on Callidromus not slept at their 
post No tactical skill on the field of battle could have 
compensated for the insecurity of his communications with 
Asia, an insecurity which could only be remedied by a far 
more systematic organization of transport and convoys tlian 
it was in the nature of an Oriental court to provide. About 
the time of the battle of Thermopylae a large fleet of 
transport vessels had been caught by the Eoman admiral 
Atilius off Andros, and the corn destined for the invaders 
carried in triumph to the Piraeus and distributed to the 
Athenian people.* 

Antiochus did not stay long at Chalcis. He made haste 
V \ to set the breadth of the Aegean between himself and the 
Romans, and, together with his queen Euboea, regained 
Ephesus in safety. The return of the King did not of course 
necessarily mean the end of the conflict The Seleucid army 
1/ in Greece, it is true, was annihilated, but the Aetolians were 

still in arms, and to their envoys, who followed him to 
Ephesus, Antiochus dispensed money and showed his arsenals 
humming with the preparations for a gigantic war. There 
were still Seleucid garrisons dispersed among various towns — 
at Elis, for example,* and Demetrias. A royal squadron of 
ten vessels was in the harbour of the latter town ; it had 
touched at Thronium whilst the battle in the pass was going 
on, and when Alexander the Acamanian had come aboard 
mortally wounded, bringing the tidings of disaster, it had 
sailed to Demetrias seeking the King.^ 

But any plans Antiochus may have formed for maintain- 
ing the struggle in Greece by his subsidies till he could throw 
a fresh army into the country were futile. All the Greek 
states which had joined him, Bceotia, Euboea, Elis, hurriedly 

1 liv. xxxvL 17-19; App. Syr, 18-20; PluUrch, Cato Major, 18 f. ; Justin 
xxxi. 6, 6. « Liv. xxxvL 20. » Ibid. 31. * Ibid, 20. 



made their peace with the Bomans. His gaiTisons in Chalcis 
and Elis had, of course, to be withdrawn. Demetrias threw 
open its gates to Philip and the leader of the anti-Eoman 
party committed suicida By the terms of surrender the 
Seleucid troops there returned under Macedonian escort to 
Lysimachia, and the ships in the harbour were allowed to 
depart unharmed.^ The Aetolians, left to themselves, rapidly 
succumbed to the combined attack of the Eomans and Philip. 
The siege of Naupactus brought them to extremities, and they 
secured, by the good offices of Flamininus, an armistice in 
which to negotiate for peace at Eome. 

Thus ended the crowning effort of the house of Seleucus to 
seize the Macedonian inheritance in Greece. One by one, 
after what seemed dissolution, had Antiochus III, during 
thirty years of fighting, restored (in appearance at least) the 
severed limbs to the body of the Empira He had annexed 
the long-coveted Coele-Syria. At the end of the previous year 
he had, in addition to his dignity as Great King, made good 
to a large extent his title to be, as Alexander had been, the 
Captain-General of the states of Greece. At his accession 
the Empire had touched the lowest point of decline ; last year 
it had touched its zenith. But Antiochus seemed born too 
late, when already a new competitor had entered the field. In 
the moment of its apparent triumph the house of Seleucus 
had received a terrific blow. So far, it is true, the King's recoil 
left the situation externally what it had been before his last 
venture, but he was confronted by an antagonist, victorious, 
resentful, and hard to turn from his slowly made resolves. 

1 Liv. xxxvL 20 f. ; 81, 3 ; 38, 6 ; Plutarch, TUus, 16. 




Antiochus, we are told, did not at first understand the import 
of what had happened. He had struck a blow for Greece ; 
the blow had failed ; that was all ; the stcUiLs qtto, which the 
Bomans had wished to preserve, was restored. It was 
mortifying, but he must wait for another occasion. Our 
account goes on to say that it was Hannibal, now once more 
listened to with respect, who enlightened him as to the true 
position. Thoas also and the Aetolian envoys, instead of 
thwarting Hannibal as before, spoke to a similar effect. 
Antiochus felt himself to have retired to Asia Minor only as 
to a vantage ground, from which to spring again on Greece. 
But the Eomans were not the people to submit to such a 
menace ; Antiochus must expect to be struck at nearer home. 
Last year the problem before him had been to make sure the 
defences of Greece ; now the problem was to make sure those 
of Asia.^ 

It must be recognized that the position of Antiochus for 
defeuce, in spite of the catastrophe in Europe, was a strong 
one. The circumstances to which his defeat in Greece had 
been due, the difficulty of procuring reinforcements and 
supplies, did not exist on the eastern side of the Aegean. If 
the Bomans had beaten him, it had been so far with the 
superiority of numbers on their side. It would be the 
Bomans who would feel the diflBculty of transport in under- 
taking a war in Asia. They had never yet sent an army so 
far from home, and, as a matter of fact, regarded the necessity 

* Liv. xxxyi. 41. 


of doing so with considerable apprehension. Even if their 
soldiers were better than the levies of Asia, they were con- 
fronted with the initial difficulty of getting them to Asia at 
alL The Asiatic dominions of Antiochus could be approached 
by water only; it was obvious that the first question to 
settle was the command of the sea. At one point indeed — 
the Hellespont — Asia almost touched Europe, but both shores 
of the Hellespont were in Seleucid occupation. The passage 
of an army through Thrace was under no circumstances easy ; 
Antiochus by a prudent defence could make it almost impos- 
sible. The possession of Thrace was a great addition to his 

As soon as Antiochus realized the imminence of a Eoman 
attack he took measures to secure both the sea and the 
Thracian Chersonese. To the latter he himself repaired with 
the ships in readiness, in order to superintend with his own 
eyes the dispositions for defence. Sestos and Abydos were 
strengthened; Lysimachia was made a great depot. The 
guard of the sea was conmiitted to the royal admiral, 
Polyxenidjw of Rhodes, who was ordered to mobilize the 
rest of the fleet and actively patrol the islands (latter part 
of 191).' 

A dispatch from Polyxenidas soon called the King back 
to Ephesus ; it announced that a Eoman fleet was at anchor 
in the harbour of Delos. 

The Eomans were already about to take the offensive at 
sea. To do this was not only a prerequisite to an eventual 
invasion of Asia; so long as Antiochus threatened another 
descent on Greece it was an urgent measure of precaution. 
They needed to be mtwters of the sea, not only in order that 
they might reach Antiochus, but that Antiochus might not 
reach them. It must be remembered that when Gaius Livius 
arrived in Greek waters in the summer of 191 to supersede 
Atilius in command of the Eoman fleet, the war in Greece 
was still going on. The Aetolians were making their stand at 
Naupactus, and rumours were flying of the Bang's preparations. 
Livius set out from the Piraeus to operate on the coasts of 

* Liv. xxxtL 41 ; App. Syr, 21. * Liv. zxxvi. 42. 


For a naval war in that region the attitude of the islands 
and coast cities would be an important consideration. Even 
that part of Asia Minor which the house of Seleucus called 
its own was imperfectly subjugated. The coast had been 
conquered by the present King, after nearly half a century of 
separation, within the last twenty-five years, some of it within 
the last four. It was not a region where a long unbroken 
period of Seleucid rule had made its roots deep and its 
authority venerable. It did not confront an assailant as a 
compact whole. The cities, of course, differed in their actual 
status. Some, like Smyrna and Lampsacus, or the cities which 
had been freed by Ehodes since 197 — Caunus, Myndus, and 
Halicarnassus — openly asserted their independence. Some, 
on the other hand, like Ephesus and Abydos, were completely 
at the King's disposal and filled with his troops. Between 
these two extremes were perhaps various grades of dependence. 
The majority of cities seem to have had no Seleucid garrison, 
but from prudence or inclination to have bowed to the King's 
control. With the appearance of a Boman fleet in this quarter 
we shall see a new situation created. The cleft of sympathies 
between the well-to-do classes and the populace, which had 
been so marked in Greece, then shows itself in the Greek 
cities of Asia Minor. The cities sway between the two 
opposing forces. Some espouse the Eoman cause with zeal ; 
others change according to the circumstances of the hour. 
We hear of none, except those with royal garrisons, which 
dare to refuse their harbours to the Boman ships when these 
come near to demand them. 

The case of the island states was different To these the 
conquests of Antiochus had not yet extended. But they had, 
no doubt, felt themselves threatened, and they embraced the 
Soman alliance as an opportune protection. Among these 
states Rhodes had the pre-eminence. The policy of Rhodes 
had showed some uncertainty in the last few years. It had 
offered bold defiance to Antiochus in 197 as an ally of Rome. 
Since then Antiochus had courted its friendship not altogether 
in vain. When the Roman ships first appeared in the East, 
the Rhodian statesmen, conscious perhaps of the dangers to 
Greek liberty from either quarter, hesitated for a space to 


commit themselves.^ But they soon made up their minds to i 
give the Eoman admiral their co-operation, and, once ranged j 
on that side, left no room for reproach in the matter of zeaL ; 
Samos, one of the states which had recovered its independence 
by means of Ehodes in 197,^ Chios and Mitylene^ were also 
ready to throw in their lot with Home. Delos, whose harbour 
had received the fleets of Livius, followed, as far as it could, a 
policy of neutrality, or rather of friendship with all the powers. 
It drew honours and presents from all parts of the Hellenic 
world, and would have been glad to alienate none of its 
benefactors. The gift of a chalice from King Antiochus is 
recorded in the registers of the Temple.* But with the advent 
of the Eoman forces it receives gifts year by year from their 

It need not be pointed out how great an advantage it was 
to the Eoman fleet to have these islands as points of support 
in operating on the coast of Asia. It gave them both pro- 
tection and posts of observation close to the enemy's positions. 
Chios became the main depot for the grain and other stores on 
which the Eoman army depended.® 

But it was the Pergamene kingdom upon which the 
Eomans counted above all else. Eumenes was, of course, an 
energetic ally. He was to Asia what the traitor within the 
walls is to a beleaguered city. His local knowledge, his 
influence in the Greek cities, would be invaluable to an 
invader. His harbour-town, Elaea, would give them a foot- 
hold upon the mainland. His dominion cut off Antiochus 
from direct communication by land with the region of the 
Hellespont. Even for maintaining his position in Asia 
Antiochus depended upon his command of the sea. 

The fleet of Livius counted eighty-one decked vessels, 
including the twenty-five taken over from his predecessor, and 

* *'Nec commissuros Rhodios ut iUrum morarenturf" Liv. xxxvii. 8, 2. 
'* Rhodii, quo magis cessaium priore aestate erat, eo," etc., ibid, 9, 5. 

2 See p. 42. ^ Liv. xxxtL 48, 11 ; xxxvii. 10 ; 12, 6. 

* BtUl. corr, hdl. vi. (1882), p. 86, 1. 67. 

* Horaolle, BiUl. corr, hdl, viii. (1884), p. 85. See von Schoeffer, Pauly- 
fFissowa, iv. p. 2484. 

' "Id erat horreum Romanis, eoque omnes ex Italia missao onerariae derigebant 
cursum," Liv. xxxvii. 27, 1. 


a large number of smaller craft. Carthage had sent a con- 
tingent of six ships ; King Enmenes, voyaging home, accom- 
panied the fleet with three.^ Livius was being detained at 
Delos by contrary winds when the patrolling ships of 
Polyxenidas got tidings of him. Antiochus, as soon as the 
news reached him, hurried back to Ephesus. At a council of 
war it was decided, on the advice of Polyxenidas, to engage the 
enemy before he was joined by the allied fleets of Pergamos 
and Bhodes. The Bomans, it was anticipated, would make for 
Pergamos, and to intercept them the Seleucid fleet, with King 
Antiochus on board, sailed northward. This fleet was less 
numerous than the Boman, comprising only seventy decked 
vessels, and the ships were smaller, but Polyxenidas put great 
confidence in their handier build and greater mobility and in 
the local knowledge of his seamen. The enemy's vessels were 
known to be carrying large cargoes of food, and so to be 
heavier in the draught On reaching Phocaea the Bang's 
fleet got intelligence that the enemy was somewhere in the 
neighbourhood. Antiochus had no desire for personal experience 
of a fight at sea, and was put ashore. Polyxenidas then 
moved south again to Cissus, near Erythrae, hoping to catch 
the enemy, but his manoeuvring completely failed of its end. 
The Boman commander slipped past on the outside of Chios 
and got to Phocaea unchallenged. Phocaea was the first 
Greek town in the King's country which the Bomans touched. 
It did not dare to offer them any opposition.* It was then a 
short matter for Eumenes to proceed to Elaea and bring up 
the Pergamene fleet. The united strength of Bomans and 
Pergamenes in decked vessels reached 105. Livius, having 
successfully effected the junction, was as eager for an engage- 
ment as Polyxenidas.* The King's admiral waited for the 
enemy in battle order off Cissus, his right wing resting on the 
shore. The engagement opened with the capture of a Cartha- 
ginian ship by two of the Eling's. But it soon became apparent 
that the mobility to which Polyxenidas trusted availed little 
against the Boman tactics. An attacking ship found itself 
grappled by the iron claws of the ponderous Boman and the 
fight was transformed to a hand-to-hand encounter. The 

^ Liv. xxzvi. 42. ' App. Syr, 22. ' Liv. zzxyi. 43. 


Seleucid left, where Livius directed the attack, was first broken, 
and the King of Pergamos, who was waiting in reserve, then 
flung his weight upon the right.^ The Seleucid fleet was soon 
in full rout. Thanks to its lightness it escaped with the loss 
of only twenty-three vessels, thirteen of which were captured. 
The result aimed at by Livius was completely obtained ; the 
Seleucid fleet, if not annihilated, was beaten ofi' the sea. 
When the victors, now further strengthened by a Ehodian 
squadron of twenty decked ships under Pausistratus, made a 
demonstration off Ephesus, the King's admiral did not dare to 
go out to battle.^ Erythrae almost immediately after is found 
to have joined the Boman alliance.^ The season for active 
operations closed, leaving the Romans masters of the Aegean. 
The allied fleets separated. The Romans, after visiting Chios 
and leaving five vessels at Phocaea to secure its loyalty, beached 
their ships at Canae on the Pergamene coast and sat down to 
wish for the spring.* 

But although the operations of war were suspended, the 
leaven of disaffection probably worked strongly among the 
Greek cities of the Seleucid "alliance." Cyme and the 
Aeolian cities generally, Colophon and Clazomenae had before 
long declared for the Romans. The ships of Cos came to fight 
alongside of the ships of Ehodes.^ 

Antiochus saw that every nerve must be strained during 
the winter if the campaign of 190 was to stem the progress 
of the Boman arms. He directed his own energies to the 
massing of the land-forces of his kingdom. The point of 
concentration was fixed at Magnesia, about thirty-five miles up 
the Hermus valley, out of sight of the Boman fleet, but not so 
far inland as Sardis, which lay in the same valley another thirty 
miles farther up. Antiochus went himself for the winter to 
Phrygia, to supervise the movement of troops. All Asia felt 
the strain of effort. Every province from the Mediterranean 
to Central Asia sent its choice of fighting men. Along all the 

^ Lir. xxx?i. 44. 

^ The Ephesian harbour lay itdandf fully four miles from the open sea, with 
which it was connected by canal and the Ca^ster. 

' Liv. xxxvii. 8, 6. * Ibid, xxzvi. 46 ; App. Syr, 22. 

" Cyme, Liv. xxxvii. 11, 15 ; Colophon, ibid. 26, 6 ; Clazomenae, Polyb. zzi. 
48, 5 ; Cos, Lir. xxxvii. 11, 18. 



roads companies of horse and foot in every variety of habit 
were moving to a common centre; men of nations that had 
long ago ruled in Asia, Assyrians, Medes, Lydians ; men of 
the Greek and Macedonian stock that ruled since yesterday ; 
half-savage peoples of steppe, desert and mountain — nomads 
of the Caspian, Arabs from the south on their camels, yellow- 
haired Galatians, whose fathers had descended from the forests 
of central Europe. Once more Asia with its medley of nations 
was uniting to repel an invader from the West, as it had united 
a century and a half before to repel Alexander under the hand 
of the last Persian king.^ 

But the great host gathering on land loomed still in the 
background. It would not feel the impact of the legions till 
the way was opened by the conquest of the sea. The war was 
still among the ships. The Eomans had, it is true, the upper 
hand at sea already. They had driven the Seleucid fleet into 
its harbour. They had convenient naval bases in the friendly 
islands, like Chios and Samos, or in the coast cities, like 
Phocaea and Erythrae. They cut off the King's forces from 
the critical region of the Hellespont. But the King had not 
yet abandoned the contest. His fleet, if penned up, was not 
annihilated. The corsairs, who made common cause with him, 
might still prey upon the Roman corn-ships.^ And Antiochus 
was determined to make a supreme effort to recover the sea. 
Such an effort implied in the first place a great increase in 
the fleet. Hammers and axes were busy all that winter in 
the docks of Ephesus, old vessels being repaired and new 
bottoms laid down. This work was done under the eye of 
Polyxenidas. But it was still, as in old Achaemenian days, 
the Phoenician cities from which the Great King mainly drew 
his naval strength. And the task of bringing up reinforcements 
from that quarter was appropriately confided to Hannibal. In 
the second place, it was important to dislodge the Eomans 
from the footholds which they had on land, or at any rate 
prevent them from acquiring any more. The islands, whilst 
the Romans held the sea, were out of reach, but the cities of 
the mainland might be coerced, conciliated or overawed. The 
King's son Seleucus was stationed with a force in Aeolis, to 

» Uv. xxxviL 8 ; App. Syr, 21. « Ibid. 14, 3 ; 27, 4. 


wait for an opportunity to drive the Eomans out of the places 
they had already won, and to counteract their solicitations in 
the case of cities which were still wavering.^ 

Such were the preparations on the Seleucid side. The 
Eomans improved the inactive season by a raid, made about 
mid-winter in concert with Eumenes, into the country about 
Thyatira — an expedition which proved lucrative enough in the 
matter of loot. When spring drew on, Livius thought himself 
already in a position to achieve the great object of all his 
naval operations, to secure the Hellespont for the passage of 
the legions. On his way north he landed in the Troad, and, 
like Antiochus, went up to sacrifice to the Athena of Ilion. 
The petty towns of tlie Troad — Elaeus, Dardanum and Ehoeteum 
— put themselves into his hand. When the Eoman squadron 
moved to the place where the transit of a bare mile of sea 
separated Sestos on the European, from Abydos on the Asiatic, 
shore, he proposed to reduce both towns. The Seleucid 
government depended for its hold in this quarter upon the 
strong garrison in Abydos. Sestos seems to have been 
undefended, and now, cut off as it was from the garrison 
opposite by the Boman ships, it first deputed the eunuch - 
priests of the Great Mother, the gallai, to deprecate an attack, 
and then formally capitulated.^ The reduction of Abydos was 
naturally a much more difficult affair. It was, even so, pressed 
by the Eoman commander to a point when the King's ofificer 
allowed the city to treat. But the siege was suddenly raised ; 
tidings reached Livius of a grave sort.* 

He had not in moving north left the rest of the Aegean 
denuded. The main part of his fleet was still at Canae. The 
Ehodians, when Livius launched his thirty ships, were already 
stirring. A squadron of thirty-six sail under Pausistratus, a 
bluff and ingenuous sailor, was put to sea. But now, in the 
absence of Livius, a great blow was struck on the side of the 
King. The hand was that of Polyxenidas, and tlie stroke did 
him little honoui*. He secretly conveyed to Pausistratus the 
intimation that he was ready as the price of his return to 
his native country (he was, it will be remembered, a banished 

» Liv. xxxvii. 8. » Tbid. 9 ; App. Syr. 23 ; Polyb. xxi 6, 7. 

' Liv. xxxvii. 12. 


Bhodian) to betray the King's fleet to the enemy. He was to 
neglect preparations and give Pausistratus the signal to attack. 
The crews indeed of the ships disappeared in a curious manner 
from Ephesus, and such a device as their being moved to the 
neighbouring Magnesia was remote from the simple mind of 
Pausistratus. He slipped into an easy confidence, and only 
waited at Panormus on the Samian coast for the signal of 
Polyxenidas. There he was, one morning, taken in front and 
rear simultaneously by Polyxenidas, and only five of the 
Rhodian ships escaped destruction or capture. Pausistratus 
himself perished in the attempt to break away in his flag-sliip 
to the open sea.^ 

The success, however shabby in its method, was substantial 
in its result. It was not the only one. Phocaea had been made 
the previous winter the station of five ships of the Roman fleet. 
The place was of importance to Rome from its neighbourhood 
to Magnesia-on-Sipylus. It was also required to furnish its 
quota of corn to the Roman forces and a tale of 500 gowns and 
500 tunics. These burdens, coming at a time of scarcity, raised 
murmurs among the townsfolk, and gave an advantage to the 
popular party, which here, as elsewhere, was less inclined to 
Rome than the governing class. The withdrawal of the ships 
when tlie ferment was once at work, instead of allaying it, only 
removed restraint The presence of Seleucus in the neighbour- 
hood gave the King's party, the Antiochistai, courage. In 
this predicament the city magistrates sent an urgent request 
to Seleucus to withdraw, declaring that the city's policy was 
to remain neutral and await the event. The message only 
made Seleucus hasten forward to use his opportunity. A gate 
was opened by the ArUiochistai and Seleucus took possession 
of the city. It was at once secured by a strong garrison. 
Several of the Aeolian towns, including Cyme, transferred their 
allegiance to the King.^ 

Polyxenidas could filch a victory by the arts of an 
intriguer, but he could not use it. The annihilation of the 

> Liv. xxzTii. 10 f. ; App. Syr, 24 ; Polyb. xxi. 6. 

^ Liv. xzxvii. 9, 1-4 ; 11, 15 ; App. Syr, 25 ; Polyb. xzL 6. The acquisition 
of Samos at this time by Antiochos, asserted by Appian and Jerome, is a fiction 
(Niese ii. p. 727, note 2). 


Ehodian fleet gave him an opportunity to fall upon the bulk 
of the Eoman fleet at Canae before it could be got down to 
the sea or Livius come to its rescue. This, in fact, was what 
Livius feared he would do, and evacuated the Hellespont with 
all speed to hasten south. But he reached Canae, and 
Eumenes Elaea, without seeing the enemy. The beached 
ships had not been molested. The incident was nevertheless 
an awkward demonstration that the King's fleet, while it 
could hold itself out of reach, could keep the Romans and 
their allies to the strain of a close watch. Livius determined 
to remove his station to Samos, which was nearer Ephesus. 
There he was to meet a second Ehodian fleet of twenty sail, 
under Eudamus. On his way along the coast he made a 
descent upon Aeolis, and seized what he could of slaves or 
substance, in punishment of its desertion. He rallied his 
fleet, now joined by King Eumenes, in one of the harbours of 
Erythrae for the passage to Samos.^ Polyxenidas was on the 
watch. But again, although a storm separated the Eoman 
ships, he allowed the scattered portions to slip through his 
maladroit hands and regain Corycus (the Erythraean harbour) 
in safety. After this fiasco he retired to Ephesus ; the Eomans 
crossed to Samos unopposed, and effected a junction in a few 
days with the Ehodians.^ 

Things were now come to a deadlock. The allied fleets 
shut up Polyxenidas in Ephesus, but they themselves could 
not move away. And meanwhile the Hellespont was still in 
the King's hands, and a base for the cruisers which swooped 
down upon the Eoman commissariat vessels. The Phcenician 
fleet was coming up from the east. Not to remain altogether 
inactive Livius landed a party of troops to pillage the country 
round Ephesus, but Andronicus, the commander of the 
garrison, drove them back by a successful sortie, with the loss 
of their plunder, to the ships.^ Livius now formed the naive 
project of imprisoning the royal fleet in the harbour of 
Ephesus by sinking hulks at the entrance.^ He had not time 

> Liv. xxxvii. 12. « Ibid. 13, 1-7. 

' Ibid. 18, 8-10. App. (Syr, 25) mentions the pirate-captain Nicander 
as the repeUer of this foray. 

* Liv. xxxvii. 14 ; Soidas, sab voc. ipyu, 


to make the experiment. Lucius Aemilius Begillus, one of 
the praetors of the new year (190) arriyed in Samos to take 
over the command. The next bout in the struggle, opened by 
his arrival, is characterized by an unsuccessful attempt on 
either side. The attempt of the Romans was to establish a post 
in Lycia} 

Such a move was prompted, so far as the Eomans were 
concerned, by the necessity of intercepting the reinforcements 
from Phoenicia ; but there was another motive at work. Just 
as the Aetolians had used the alliance of Antiochus to advance 
their own ambitions, so the allies of Eome sought to use her 
power for their separate ends. The Bhodians cherished the 
hope of adding Lycia to their dependencies on the mainland 
and designed to engage the Boman forces in the conquest. 
It was a Ehodian captain who suggested the move. In the 
unprofitable situation the suggestion was accepted by the 
Boman admiral. 

f Patara the capital of the Lycian Confederation, was the 
place chosen.^ But Patara was held by a Seleucid garrison, 
and the townsfolk offered so fierce an opposition that Livius, 
who commanded the expedition, now as a subordinate of 
Aemilius, abandoned the enterprise and, sending his squadron 
to Bhodes, himself sailed away home. The expedition had 
incidentally the result of evoking a demonstration of zeal for 
the Boman cause on the part of the cities of Caria — Myndus, 
Halicamassus, Cos,* Miletus and Cnidus — of which the first 
three certainly, and the last two probably, had been for some 
time independent. Alabanda mentions in an inscription the 
services it rendered to the Boman armies, and these probably 
went back to the time before Magnesia.^ Mylasa also declared 
against Antiochus while the event of the war still hung in the 

The crux, of course, in the position of the allies was, 

^ Liv. xxzYii. 14. The reinforcements s&id by Liry to have been brought by 
Aemilius " scheinen auf dem Papier geblieben zu sein," Niese ii. p. 729, note 3. 

' Liv. XXX vii. 15. 

' Halicamassas and Cos had already given help to the allied fleet before this 
expedition, Liv. xxxvii. 10, 11 ; 11, 18. 

* Bull carr. hell x. (1886), p. 801 ; cf. Liv. xxxviii. 18, 2. 

• Polyb. xxi 48, 4. 


shortly put, that the fleet was wanted in three places at once 
— before Ephesus to watch Polyxenidas, in Lycia to arrest 
Hannibal, and in the Hellespont. It could not be separated 
without setting Polyxenidas at large to harass the friends of 
Rome and attack the divisions of the fleet in detail. 
Polyxenidas understood the position and abided his time. 
However, after the failure of Livius the new admiral must do 
something. He felt that anything was better than to sit still 
in Samos, especially when another attack he had made on 
Ephesus had broken down. Accordingly, even at the cost of 
letting Polyxenidas loose, he determined to move the united 
fleet on Patara. The gathering of ships glided away from 
Samos sailing south. But the liberation of Polyxenidew would 
tell more heavily upon the people whose land was exposed to 
his ravages than upon the Romans. And the move of the 
commander was widely criticized by the subordinate ofiicers, 
who reflected on the importance of retaining the good-will and 
confidence of their Asiatic allies. Aemilius was shaken in 
his resolution by these murmurs. The fleet got no farther than 
Loryma in the Rhodian Peraea. Then it returned after a 
mere waste of time to Samos. ^ The Roman attempt to obtain 
a lodgment in Lycia had definitely failed. There were seen to 
be no alternatives between dividing the fleet and lying idle in 
front of Ephesus. 

The attempt on the part of Antiochus which corresponded 
in time with these events was to cntsh the Pergamenc kingdom, 
Seleucus first made a dash with the force he had under him 
in Aeolis upon Elaea. Finding it prepared for defence, 
he at once moved, pillaging the country as he went, upon 
Pergamos itself. Simultaneously Antiochus left his winter 
quarters in Apamea and advanced upon the Pergamene 
territory by way of the Sardis-Thyatira road. The motley 
host which he had spent the winter in collecting was soon 
encamped about thirty miles from Pergamos near the sources 
of the Caicus. In the absence of Eumenes, the government 
and defence of the kingdom were in the hands of his brother 
Attains. But before the attack of the two Seleucid armies he 
could do no more than shut himself up in the walls of the 

> Liv. xxxTii. 17. 



capital and abandon the country to devastation. This was 
the posture of things reported to Eumenes on his return witli 
the Eomans to Samos. He at once hurried home and slipped 
through the besiegers' lines into the city. A few days after, 
the fleet of the allies, still united, made the port of Elaea. 
The danger of his chief ally had seemed to Aemilius a justifica- 
tion for again relaxing the blockade of Polyxenidas.^ 

All this while the legions were drawing closer. The 
nominal command was held by the consul Lucius Cornelius 
Scipio, but the real direction was in the hands of his great 
brother Publius, the victor of Zama, who accompanied him 
with practically proconsular power.^ There were the two 
legions of Acilius which the Scipios had taken over in Greece, 
and they had brought with them from Italy two legions more 
— a force (Roman and Italian) of 13,000 foot and 500 horse.* 
In Greece they had found the Aetolians, after a vain attempt 
to make terms at Home, still in arms ; but in order not to be 
diverted from their main object, the Scipios encouraged them 
to renew negotiations. An armistice was arranged for, which 
allowed the Roman army to press forward to Macedonia. And 
in this way the hopes which Antiochus had built upon the 
Aetolian resistance collapsed. The march through Macedonia 
and Thrace wew made as easy as possible by the zeal of PhiliiL 
/ who had repaired the road, bridged the rivers, and laid up 

stores of provisions against the coming of the Romans. The 
Seleucid occupation of Thrace since 196 seems to have rested 
upon the garrisons in Aenus, Maronea, and Lysimachia.* But 
these places remained apparently on the defensive; no opposi- 
tion was offered to the Roman advance. The real difficulties, 
it was apprehended, would begin when the Hellespont was 
reached. A check there might threaten the Roman camp with 

The nimour of their approach, as well, no doubt, as the 
consciousness that his attack on Pergamos was a failure, 
made the King lose all stomach for the war. He came 
down from the hills to the low country about Elaea, and 

* Liv. zxxyii. 18 f. 

« Niese ii. p. 721, note 1. • Liv. xxxvii. 6, 2. * Ibid, 60, 7. 

» Ibid. 7, 8-16 ; 31, 2 ; App. Syr, 23 ; Maced, 9, 6. 


leaving his infantry upon a neighbouring eminence, approached 
the city with his clouds of horse and asked to treat.^ The 
answer, inspired by Eumenes, was that there could be no 
negotiations before the arrival of the consul.^ 

Behind the walls of Pergamos and Elaea the enemy was 
out of the Eling's reacL There was no time for a siege such 
as had given him Sardis, and Bactra, and Gaza in the glorious 
years of his reign. He could, of course, sweep the open fields, 
and his hordes in that spring of 190 made the gardens of the 
Pergamenes and Elaeans a desolation. Thence he passed to 
the plain of Thebe behind Adramyttium, the richest part of the 
kingdom of Eumenes, and gave it up to the will of his troops.* 
Adramyttium itself he failed to take, Eumenes and Aemilius 
moving round into its harbour.* Antiochus next went on to 
waste the territory belonging to the island city of Mitylene, 
which had joined the Komans — its possessions on the main- 
land — and having taken some obscure townships (Cotton, 
Corylenus, Aphrodisias, Prinne), returned the way he came 
to Sardis.^ Seleucus also withdrew from Pergamos to the 
Aeolian sea-board — a movement caused, says the account 
which emanates from the Achaean historian, by the damaging 
sorties made by a body of Achaeans whom the League in 
virtue of its alliance with Eumenes had sent under Diophanes, 
a disciple of Philopoemen.^ But if Antiochus failed to capture 
Pergamos, the Romans equally failed to regain possession of 
Phocaea. Eeinforcements thrown into the city by Antiochus 
saved it. And the Romans resorted to as base a consolation 
as Antiochus — they wrought havoc among the shrines and 
works of art with which the neighbouring Bacchium was 
filled.^ In a word, neither side had succeeded in materially 
modifying the situation, as it had been when Aemilius first 
arrived, except that Hannibal on the one side, and Scipio on 
the other were come nearer. * 

Aemilius was reduced at last to divide the fleet. Eumenes 
and the Pergamene contingent were first detached to convey 

» Liv. xxxvii. 18. ^ Polyb. xxi. 10. 

* Ibid, * Liv. xxxvii. 19. 

' Ibid. 21, 4 f. (See Meischke, Symbolae ad Ewmenis historiamf p. 89 f.) 

8 Ibid, 20, 1-21, 4 ; App. Syr. 26 ; cf. Polyb. xxi. 9 ; Michel, No. 1220. 

^ Liv. xxxvii. 21. 


from Elaea to the Hellespont the material Decessary for the 
passage of the consular army. The Soman and Ehodian 
fleets returned south to Samos. There a further division took 
place. The Bhodian fleet was sent to encounter Hannibal, 
and the Boman was left alone confronting Polyxenidas.^ 

Eudamus, the commander of the Ehodian fleet, departed 
from Samos with the thirteen Shodian vessels, one Coan and 
one Cnidian. On reaching Khodes he found that the 
authorities at home had already anticipated the order of the 
Roman admiral, and had sent out a squadron under Pamphili- 
das. Their action had no doubt been accelerated by the fact 
that the Seleucid forces in Lycia were becoming aggressive 
and had beset Daedala, the frontier fortress of the Shodian 
Peraea, and others of their towns. Eudamus hastened to 
join his ships with those of Pamphilidas. When he came up 
with him, Pamphilidas was off the island of Megiste, twenty 
miles beyond Patara, having successfully relieved the frontier 
towns. Eudamus took command of the united squadrons and 
proceeded to Phaselis, where he intended to lie in wait for the 
Phcenician fleet.^ But the year being at its hottest and the 
place malarious, the sickness which broke out among the 
crews compelled him to move on. The mountains of Pam- 
phylia, unlike those of Lycia and Rough Cilicia, on either side 
of them, retreat from the coast, leaving a crescent- shaped 
plain between their feet and the sea. Towards the western 
extremity of this plain were the two Greek towns of Aspendus 
and Side, the former some few miles up the river Eurymedon, 
the latter twenty miles to the west on the coast. Each was 
distinguished by its steadfast enmity towards the other. In 
the quarrels which affected that region they were sure to be 
found on opposite sides. In the present instance Side was 
strong for the Seleucid cause ; it furnished a redoubtable con- 
tingent to the King's fleet,® being ranked in naval prowess 
with the Phoenician towns; Aspendus, of course, held by 
Rhodes and Rome. When Eudamus reached the Eurymedon 
the Phoiuician fleet was already in the harbour of Side. The 
Aspendiaus gave him the intelligence. On the following day 

» Liv. xxxvii. 22, 1. - Ibid. 22, 2 f. 

» Ibid, XXXV. 48, 6. 


the thirty-six Bhodian ships (thirty-two quadriremes and four 
triremes) ^ moved along the coast in a long column, the flag- 
ship of Eudamus leading. As they rounded a headland hefore 
Side the anxiously-expected Phoenician fleet came into view. It 
lay before them in line of battle, forty-seven sail, among them 
three great ships of seven banks of oars, and four of six. Its 
right was commanded by a nobleman of the court, Apollonius, 
and on its left was Hannibal. Eudamus immediately accepted 
the challenge, and stood out from shore so that the ships in 
rear might form into line on his left Before there was room 
for the Khodian left to come up into line, the right was 
engaged by Hannibal.^ In spite of this initial disadvantage, 
the nimble seamanship of Bhodes gained the day. One of 
the towering giants of the King's fleet was disabled in a 
moment by the blow of a Ehodian vessel half its size. Where 
Hannibal was, indeed, the Phoenicians pressed Eudamus hard, 
but they were compelled to retire when their right was 
broken for fear of being cut off from the shore. Under some 
circumstances the Bhodian victory might not have been final ; 
more than twenty ships of Hannibal's fleet were uninjured ; 
the Bhodians, owing to the sickness which their rowers had 
contracted at Phaselis, could not press the pursuit effectively ; 
the Phoenicians had the friendly Side and the Cilician coast 
behind them as a refuge. But Hannibal could no longer 
hope to get his fleet in time past the victorious enemy, who 
henceforth lay to intercept him off Lycia. All that was 
necessary for the purposes of the war had been done; the 
Phoenician reinforcements on which the King counted were 

The battle of Side spoilt the chance of Antiochus.' Had 
fortune inclined the other way, the Phoenician fleet would 
have joined the fleet under Polyxenidas at Ephesus, and 

^ Its composition was as follows : — 

(1) The squadron Eudamus had brought from Samos 

(2) Open ships added to his squadron in Rhodes 

(3) Squadron of Pamphilidas 

(4) Guard-ships from Carian coast 











3 Liv. xxxvii. 23. ' Ibid. 24 ; Nepos, ffannib. 8. 


together they would have given battle to the Romans with an 
overwhelming superiority. And the command of the sea 
regained, the Hellespont would oppose an insuperable bar to 
the consular army, and place before it the alternatives of 
retreat or starvation. The land-forces of Eome, which could 
pierce to the interior of his kingdom, these were the enemy 
which exercised Antiochus ; the naval war, wherever its 
battles might be fought, was in reality a struggle for the 

The King's defences at the critical point were further 
weakened about the time of the disaster at Side by a 
diplomatic defeat not less galling and not less momentous. 
Prusias of Bithynia, after being beset with the solicitations of 
either side, at last somewhat unexpectedly ranged himself 
with the enemy. The letters of the Scipios had laboured to 
show him how enviable was the lot of those princes who were 
clients of the Eepublic. - And their force had been carried 
home by Gains Livius in person, who, after returning from the 
fleet to Rome, had been sent out again as special envoy to 
the Bithynian king.^ 

There was now nothing for Antiochus to do but to make 
a supreme effort with the fleet of Polyxenidas. The enemy's 
forces at any rate were still divided, the Pergamenes in the 
north and a number of the Rhodian ships about Lycia. The 
King himself came down from Sardis to Ephesus that the 
encounter might take place under his own eyes. To draw the 
Romans from Samos, Polyxenidas moved out and attacked 
Notium, now a dependency of Colophon, and in fact its port. 
Colophon was the nearest to Ephesus of the cities which 
held by Rome. Antiochus brought up a force to Notium and 
threatened the town on the landward side. Aemilius had all 
this time been growing more and more impatient in Samos, 
and since Polyxenidas did not come out to engage him, had 
talked of going off to the Hellespont. When the cry of the 
Colophonians reached him he saw an opportunity for action 
at lasf^ He did not, however, proceed straight to Notium, 
but northwards, intending to revictual at Chios and punish 
Teos on the way for promising the King's fleet 5000 jara 

^ Polyb. zxi. 11 ; Liv. juzvii. 25. ^ Liv. xxxvii. 26. 


of wine.^ The wine dispatched from Italy to his own 
fleet had, he heard, been delayed by bad weather, and it 
seemed a happy thought to extort from the Teians those jars 
which they had collected for the King. Teos, on the neck of 
a rocky foreland, had a harbour on its northern as well as on 
its southern sida The Roman fleet sailed into the northern 
one and addressed their demands to the city.^ Polyxenidas 
was informed of the enemy's movements. He knew the 
northern harbour of Teos to have a narrow entrance, and thought 
he had the Roman fleet in a trap. Immediately the King's 
fleet of eighty-nine sail, counting two ships of seven banks and 
three of six, made for Teos and concealed itself in a small island 
close by.® Unfortunately the Romans had already removed 
to the other harbour, and instead of taking them in a trap, 
Polyxenidas found himself committed to another battle in the 
open. The Romans, on learning the neighbourhood of the 
royal fleet, got to sea with some confusion, Eudamus and the 
Rhodian contingent in the rear. Between the promontories of 
Myonnesus and Corycus the hostile fleets came within each 
other's view. Polyxenidas was advancing in a column in 
double file. The Romans and their allies counted nine ships 
less than the King's admiral, and he at once tried to turn this 
numerical superiority to account by deploying so as to out- 
flank the Roman right. This device was foiled by Eudamus 
and the Rhodians, who came up with disconcerting speed to 
the threatened flank.^ The fleets after this were locked in a 
general grapple. Then the royal centre gave and broke ; 
the victorious Romans passed through the enemy's line and 
attacked the rear of his left, with which the Rhodians were 
engaged in front. The royal right, seeing what had occurred 
and the flag-ship of Polyxenidas in flight, abandoned the hope- 
less contest and spread their sails for Ephesus. A naval fight 
in ancient times was made up entirely of ramming and board- 
ing; in the art of manoeuvring, necessary for the former, no 
seamen in the world could compare with those of Rhodes ; in 

* Niese (ii. p. 736) supposes that hitherto the Romans had respected the 
religious inyiolability of Teos, which they had agreed to recognize some years 
before (see p. 47). 

2 Liv. xxxvu. 27. » Ibid, 28. * Ibid. 29. 


boarding, it was man against man, the Koman against the 
Asiatic, Greek or Syrian. The Khodian fire-ships had also 
materially contributed to the victory. On the King's side the 
loss was thirteen ships taken and twenty-nine burnt or sunk ; 
the loss of the allies was only three, two lioman and one 
Ehodian. The King himself, his elephants and cavalry 
displayed about him, had watched the action from the shore.^ 

After this third and decisive battle the navcU war was 
ended in favour of Rome, That war had been to Antiochus 
all along a struggle for the Hellespont ; with his final defeat 
he gave up the Hellespont for lost. It must come at last, he 
saw, to a battle of the phalanx and the legion, and with his 
impulsive precipitancy he abandoned everything but prepara- 
tions for that encounter. His instinct was to draw his forces 
about him ; Lysimachia, in spite of the entreaties of the 
citizens, was evacuated and its garrison recalled to Asia; 
the siege of Colophon w£is raised. For a time the garrison 
in Abydos was retained ; then that too was withdrawn.^ 
The King sat down in Sardis, and sent his messengers to 
bring up troops from Cappadocia and from wherever else they 
could be found. He could not even spare a force for the 
relief of Phocaea, which the Eomans soon after their victory 
had proceeded to besiege. Tlie city, on being promised good 
treatment, capitulated, and its harbour was chosen as the 
station of the Eoman fleet for the winter, which was now 
close at hand.^ 

The evacuation of Lysimachia was an agreeable surprise to 
the Scipios, since the city could have sustained a long siege 
and created a difficult delay. In his haste Antiochus had 
even omitted to remove or destroy the stores of which it was 
full, and they were a godsend to the Eoman soldiers. No 
enemy appeared to trouble their passage of the Hellespont; 
all the necessary material had been prepared by Eumenes and 
was waiting for them. With unlooked-for ease the Eomans 
found themselves encamped on Asiatic soil. 

Antiochus at his former overtures for peace had been told 
to await the arrival of the consul. While the Eomans were 

* Liv. xxxTii. 30 ; xl. 52 ; App. Syr, 27. 
^ Liv. xxxvii. 31 ; App. Syr, 28 ; Diod. xxix. 5. ' Liv. xxxvii. 32. 



still, for reasons connected with the religious calendar,^ halted 
on the shores of the Hellespont, Heraclides, a Byzantine, 
appeared in their camp as envoy from the King. He was 
instructed to approach Publius Scipio especially, both because 
of his reputation for magnanimity, and because his son had at 
some time during the war been captured by Seleucus, and was 
being treated with every sort of consideration at the royal 
court.^ Antiochus was prepared to make large concessions. 
The Thracian question, his envoy said, no longer existed, since 
Antiochus had already evacuated his European province ; * on 
the question of the Greek cities of Asia also he would give 
way, recognizing the independence of Smyrna, Lampsacus, 
Alexandria Troas, and all the cities which had allied them- 
selves with Some. That is to say, AntiochTis sut*rendcred the 
whole original ground of qtuirrd. But besides this he would 
pay an indemnity amounting to half the costs of the war.* 
These overtures of the King were seconded by the city of 
Heraclea, which had been forward to confirm its friendly 
relations with Rome on the advance of the legions, and now 
endeavoured to mediate between the belligerents.^ Possibly 
other of the Greek states acted in concert.^ 

But at this stage the Romans could not be thus satisfied. 
" When the horse is bitted and the rider set, there is no easy 
parting." They required not only to see the past aggressions 
of the Seleucid King cancelled, but to secure themselves against 
their repetition at any future conjuncture. Their demands 
were the whole costs of the war and the evacuation of all the 
country north of the Taurus. The attempts of the envoy to 
obtain a modification of these terms by an appeal to Publius 
Scipio's private interests, whether by the offer to release his 
son or more vulgar forms of bribery, met with such an answer 

' See Niese ii. p. 738, note 3. 

^ Polyb. xxi. 13 ; Liy. xxxWi. 34 ; Just. xxzi. 7, 4 ; Dio Cast. frag. 62. 

' There were still garrisons in Aenas and Maronea (Liv. xxxvii. 60), bat by 
the evacuation of Lysimachia cut off from connexion with the Seleucid court. 

*• Polyb. xxi. 14 ; Liv. xxxvii. 36 ; App. Syr. 29. 

5 Memnon 26 = F.H.O. iii. p. 539. 

^ Byzantium, which was closely associated with Heraclea, gave the Romans 
help in this war, according to Tacitus, Ann. xiL 62 ; but the passage is confused. 
The fact that Ueraclides was a Byzantine is no indication of the policy of his 
native city. 






as showed that the ways of a Soman aristocrat were not yet 
those of an Oriental ofl&cial.^ 

On learning the answer to his proposals, Antiochus made 
up his mind to fight. The Boman army was soon in motion. 
It advanced along the shore of the Troad, whose towns had 
surrendered to Livius in the spring, and now received the 
western invader with profuse friendliness. At Ilion the 
Romans believed themselves to have come to the cradle of 
their race ; it was a meeting of long-sundered kinsmen.^ 

But the Eomans were not come to Asia to indulge in 
sentiment; the season was advanced, and the Scipios were 
anxious to strike a decisive blow before winter should bring 
the war to a standstill. They marched straight for the upper 
Caicus, whence Sardis could be reached by the same road 
which Antiochus had used in his attack on Pergamos a few 
months before, the road which led up from the Caicus valley 
over the watershed between the Caicus and the tributaries 
of the Hermus to Thyatira, and thence to Sardis in thirty 
straight miles. In the Caicus valley the consul halted till 
the troops were fully provisioned. Eumenes, who had been 
left behind with his ships in the Hellespont and now overtook 
the Eoman army, was sent to Pergamos to bring up the corn 
he had stored in readiness. The consul, Lucius Scipio, was 
at this moment deprived of his brother's direction ; ' Publius 
had been stricken down with a sickness which compelled him 
to be carried to the sea, and he lay ill at Elaea. Antiochus, 
when he heard it, with a magnanimity that was showy rather 
than interested, sent him his captive son without ransom.'^ 
From his arrival Scipio began to mend. His thanks to the 
King took the form of a piece of advice — not to risk a battle 
till he had returned to the camp. 

This message caused Antiochus to retire to Magnesia in 
the southern part of the Hyrcanian plain. Near that city he 
took up a position on the left bank of the Phrygius, a tributary 
of the Hermus, and surrounded himself with such works as 

^ Polyb. xzi. 15 ; Liv. xxxvii. 36 ; Diod. zxix. 8. 

^ Liv. xxxyii. 37 ; Just. xxxi. 8. 

' His brother's place was taken by Gnaeus Domitius, App. Si/r. 30. 

* Diod. xxix. 8, 2. 


would defy attack till Publius Scipio returned to his brother's 
side.^ The consul, believing Antiochus to be still at Thyatira, 
crossed from the Caicus to the northern extension of the 
Hyrcanian plain, and then j&nding he had moved, followed 
him along the opposite bank of the Phrygius, and pitched less 
than four miles away, the river between the two camps. A 
skirmish took place on his arrival between the Roman out- 
posts and a body of light horse, Gallic and Central -Asian, 
which the King threw across. Then after two days of in- 
activity the consul transferred his camp to the left bank, 
bringing it to about a mile and a half from the King's. 
Antiochus did not defend the river, but harassed the enemy 
without much effect whilst the new camp was being mada 
After that each day, for four days, the two armies deployed 
under their ramparts, but neither attacked. On the fifth the 
Eomans came to within 350 yards of the King's defences.^ 
Still Antiochus did not mova The consul, urged by the wish 
to bring matters to a decision before the winter, on the third 
day after again deployed his line in the plain. Antiochus 
was now obliged by the fear of demoralizing his troops to 
accept battle.* 

On the Soman side the four legions formed the bulk of 
the line, to the right of which were the Greek auxiliaries, 
Achaean and Pergamene, the Boman and Pergamene horse, 
and a body of missile-shooters, Cretan and Trallian (Illyrian). 
On the left, which was protected by the river, were only four 
squadrons of horse. A contingent of Macedonian and Thracian 
volunteers was detailed to guard the camp. The few African 
elephants were stationed in the rear of the legions. On the 
side of the King the phalanx, with its complement of elephants, 
occupied the centre, flanked on the right by Gallic, on the left 
by Cappadocian foot ; beyond these were the various bodies of 
horse, covered on the left by the scythed chariots, and the 
missile-shooters, as usual, at the two extremities. The King 
himself commanded on the right, Seleucus and the King's 
nephew, Antipater, on the left, Minnio,* Zeuxis and Philip 
the depharUarchos in the centre. The day opened in a wet 

^ Liv. xzxTii. 37 ; App. Syr. 30. ' lav. xxxvii. 88. 

3 Ihid. 39, 1-6 ; App. Syr, 80. * In Appian, Myndis. 



mist, which had an ill e£Pect on the Asiatic bows and thongs. 
When the armies engaged, Antiochus was once more betrayed 
by his characteristic impetuosity. The charge of the Iranian 
cavalry, which he commanded in person, drove in the weak 
body of horse on the Eoman left, and Antiochus, just as he 
had done under similar circumstances twenty-six years before 
at Saphia, at once dashed forward in pursuit, taking no thought 
for the rest of the field. Whilst the King was following the 
routed squadrons up to the Boman entrenchments a fearful 
collapse was taking place on the other wing. Here the 
scythed chariots — a species of terrorism in which the armies 
of Asia found it hard not to believe — had been easily repelled 
by a shower of missiles under the direction of Eumenes. Their 
flight disordered the bodies of cavalry behind them, and, on 
the charge of the Eoman and Pergamene horse, corps after 
corps broke and fled till the flank of the Cappadocian infantry 
was exposed. The Cappadocians fled. Then the shock of the 
Boman onset reached the phalanx. But the stampede of the 
left had already entangled the phalanx, and the Boman foot, 
when it came to close quarters, had little to do but butcher's 
work. On the right also the Bomans rallied, and turned the 
victory of the royal wing into flight. For a while as much 
of the great army as succeeded in gaining the camp held it 
against the conquerors. Then the camp was stormed, and its 
storm followed by fresh carnage. The King's army was 
practically annihilated.^ 

That night the King passed through Sardis, flying, his face 
toward the east. He had come only to take up Queen Eubcea 
and his daughter, and before dawn he was on the road to 
Apamea. Seleucus and a number of principal men had fled 
to Apamea fipom the field. From Apamea, Antiochus on the 
following day pursued his course to Syria, leaving his generals 
to rally the fugitives.^ In the regions upon which the King 
turned his back his rule instantly ceased ; the cities sought 

^ lav. xxxvii. 39, 7-43, 11 ; App. Syr. 31-36 ; Just. xxxi. 8, 5 f. According 
to the Roman official account, whose numerical accuracy must not be strained, 
the Seleucid loss was— killed 50,000 infantry and 3000 horsemen ; prisoners 1400 
and 15 elephants with their mahouts. Against this the Romans had lost 
under 300 infantiy, 24 Roman or Italian troopers, and 25 Pergamene troopers 
killed, and a few wounded. > Liv. xxxvii. 44, 5 ; App. Syr. 86 f. 



with all possible speed to make their peace with Some. 
Magnesia- on -Sipylus and the neighbouring Thyatira sur- 
rendered the day after the battle. Next a deputation came 
from Sardis itself, even the soldiers of the garrison advocating 
surrender, in spite of the new commandant and the new satrap 
of Lydia, whom Antiochus had installed in his passage through 
the city.^ When the news of the battle reached Ephesus, 
Polyxenidas immediately took the fleet to Patara — as far as 
he dared, because of the Rhodian squadron at Megiste — and 
there left it, himself making for Syria overland. Ephesus 
threw its gates open to the Eomans.^ 

To Antiochus after the battle of Magnesia there was no |j 
longer any course open except to accept whatever conditions 
the Bomans determined to impose. As soon as the consul 
reached Sardis and was joined there by his brother Publius, 
now sufl&ciently recovered, Musaeus, the King's herald, pre- 
sented himself and asked leave for his master to send 
ambassadors. This was granted, and in a few days the 
ambassadors came. They were Zeuxis, who had lately resided 
as satrap in the very place to which he now came as a 
suppliant, and Antipater, the King's nephew. The conditions 
announced by the Roman generals were no more than they had 
been before the battle: (1) the Taurus to be the frontier of 
the Seleucid Empire, and the King's hands to be held off 
Europe ; (2) an indemnity covering the total costs of the war, 
estimated at 15,000 Euboic talents, of which 500 was to be 
paid at once, 2500 when peace was ratified, and the remainder 
in twelve annual instalments ; (3) a supplementary indemnity 
to Eumenes of 400 talents, besides the arrears of a debt%r 
corn supplied to the Seleucid government by the late King 
Attains ; (4) the delivery of twenty hostages, to be selected by 
Rome; (5) the extradition of Hannibal, Thoas and certain 
other obnoxious persons ; (6) the regular supply to the Roman 
army of a fixed amount of com till the conclusion of peace.* 

The instructions of the royal envoys were to secure peace 

^ Liv. zxxvii. 44 ; Polyb. xxL 16. Tralles and Magnesia-on- the- Meander 
foUowed suit. ''' Liv. xxxvii. 45. 

' Polyb. xxL 16 ; Liv. xxxviL 45 ; Diod. xxlx. 10 ; App. Syr. 88 ; Just. 
xxxi 8, 8. 


on any terms that could be had. It was accordingly the next 
step to send an embassy to Bome to obtain the ratification of 
the consul's conditions. In the following winter (190-189) 
the embassy, headed by Antipater, came early to Ephesus, 
where the consul had fixed his headquarters, bringing with 
them the required hostages, and amongst them a younger son 
J of the King's, called, like his dead brother, Antiochus. They 
were conducted to Eome under the escort of one of the consul's 

The terms of peace, as outlined by Scipio, were ratified 
that winter by the Senate and the People, and a provisional 
treaty made with Antipater.^ The definitive peace was, of 
course, to be drawn up on the spot by the usual ten com- 
missioners. The Taurus to be the frontier — that was the 
main principle. Beyond that Eome refused to interfere, even 
on behalf of the older Greek cities. When the Bhodian 
envoys raised the question of Soli in Cilicia, the Senate 
showed itself so disinclined to urge its emancipation upon 
Antiochus, that the Bhodians let the matter drop.' 

During the following year (189), the ten commissioners 
not having yet arrived in the East, we find the Seleucid court 
supplying com, according to the compact made with Scipio, to 
the Boman army in Asia. Seleucus, the King's son, himself 
conveyed it to Antioch-on-the-Meander. Lucius Scipio had 
returned home, and had been rewarded for his victory by the 
surname of Asiaticus. His place was now taken by the consul 
Gnaeus Manlius, who, when Seleucus reached him, was just 
setting out on an expedition against the Galatians. Manlius 
insisted that the compact should be so interpreted as to include 
his Pergamene allies.* 

In the winter (189-188) Musaeus appears at Ephesus as 
the King's ambassador. Antiochus is ordered to send his tale 
of com, as well as the 2500 talents now due, to Pamphylia 
in the spring. The position of Pamphylia was somewhat 
ambiguous, since the irregularity of the mountain formation 
made it doubtful on which side of the Taurus it should be 

* Polyb. XXL 17, 11 ; Liv. xxxvii. 46, 20; App. Syr, 39. 
' Polyb. xxi. 24 ; Liv. xxxvii. 65. 
» Polyb. xxi. 24, 10 ; Liv. xxxvii. 66. < Liv. xxxviii. 13, 8. 


held to be. Antiochus still maintained a garrison in Perga. 
When the spring came, Manlius moved across the mountains 
from Apamea into Pamphylia. The com and the bullion were 
being brought from Syria overland in waggons and on oxen. 
After the consul had waited three days the long train wound 
into sight, having found more delays upon the journey than 
had been taken into account.^ 

Manlius now required the garrison in Perga to surrender 
the city. The commander begged for a respite of thirty days, 
in order that he might ascertain the King's will. To this 
Manlius agreed, and within the given time an order had come 
from court for the surrender. And now the ten commissioners 
had landed at Ephesus and were proceeding up country. The 
consul returned with his army to meet them at Apamea.^ 

The Peace of Apamea made the new basis on which the 
Seleucid house was to deal with the peoples of the West. Its 
main provisions were the abandonment by Antiochus of all 
the coimtry beyond the Taurus and the payment of the war 
indemnity to Rome and Eumenes. How exactly the new 
frontier was drawn is obscure.' The indemnity still due to 
Rome, 12,000 talents of silver, was to be paid, as arranged, in i/ 
twelve annual instalments ; and besides the money indemnity 
Antiochus was to supply 90,000 medimni of com. There 
were important provisions intended to disable the Seleucid 
power utterly for offensive action in the West. The whole 
fleet was to be delivered up, and no more than ten decked 
ships of war to be kept in the future ; these, moreover, were 
not to sail farther west than the promontory Sarpedonium, 
except when conveying instalments of the indemnity, am- 
bassadors, or hostages. The war elephants of the Seleucids 
were to be all surrendered and no more to be kept. No 
recruiting oflBcers were any more to set foot in the sphere of 
Roman dominion to raise mercenaries for the Seleucid service. 
Certain persons peculiarly obnoxious to Rome, such as 

* Polyb. xxi. 48 ; Li v. xxxviii. 87, 8 ; Diod. xxix. 13. 

* Polyb. xxi. 44 ; Li v. xxxviii. 87, 11.- 

3 The crucial sentence is fallen ont of Polybius, and is corrupt in Livy : 

"excedito urbibus agris vicis castellis cis Taurum montem usque ad Tanaim 

amnem et ea (a Paris.) valle Tauri usque ad iugum (ab iaga Bomb,) qua in 

Lycaoniam (Lycaonia Bamh,) yergit." See the article of Mommsen cited be.l(^^« 

VOL. n \ 


Hannibal and the Aetolian Thoas, were specified for extradition, 
if they could be caught ; but besides these, Antiochus bound 
himself to deliver up any subjects of Eome or Eumenes found 
in the ranks of his army. Other clauses regulated various 
minor matters, such as the protection of Bhodians trafficking 
in the Seleucid realm and their property. Twenty hostages 
were to be given by Antiochus, who could, with the exception 
of the young Antiochus, be changed every other year.^ 

The consul swore to the Peace on behalf of Rome. His 
brother and legattis Lucius Manlius went with one of the ten 
commissioners to Syria to exact the King's oath and take 
security for the fulfilment of his obligations. The clause 
relating to the royal navy Manlius lost no time in carrying 
into effect. Polyxenidas, it will be remembered, had left his 
fleet at Patara. Quintus Fabius Labeo, by the consul's order, 
now sailed to that harbour and gave fifty ships of war to 
the flames.^ 
! The hundred years' struggle of the house of Seleucus for 

{/ Asia Minor had come to an end. 

^ Polyb. xxi. 45 ; Liv. xxxviiL 38 ; App. Syr, 39 ; MommBen, R&mische 
FoTSchungefif iL p. 511 f. ; £. Meyer, Bhein, Mus, Neue Folge xxxvi. (1881), 
p. 120 f. ' Polyb. xxi. 46 ; Liv. xxxviii. 89. 



The history of the Seleucid djmasty up to the battle of 
Magnesia has been one of almost continuous war. "At the 
return of the year, at the time when kings go out to battle," 
says the record of the old Hebrew monarchy,^ and in the 
Seleucid kingdom too it had come to be the normal thing 
for the King to march out at the end of every winter and 
spend his summer in the j&eld. For the first time this activity 
is suspended after the stunning fall given Antiochus III by 
the adversary with whom he had rashly closed. For fourteen 
years after Magnesia there is a lull. Then new commotions 
begin, and cease only with the ceasing of the dynasty. It is 
the negative quality of these fourteen years which makes them 

It has hitherto been misleading to speak of the Seleucid 
kingdom as " Syrian." Till the time of Seleucus II Kallinikos, 
Asia Minor, as we saw, was the land where the kings were 
most at home, and although by the division in the family 
itself the court of the elder king, Seleucus II, was fixed east 
of the Taurus, the Seleucid house was always straining towards 
the west, and in the last years before Magnesia we saw 
Antiochus residing as much in Ephesus as in Antioch. But 
now Asia Minor weis barred {gainst the house of Seleucus for 
ever; the empire, which had almost been the empire of 
Alexander, was become the kingdom of Syria. Let us see 
in what environment this kingdom found itself, with what 
neighbours it would have to do. 

^ 2 Samuel 11, 1. 


But in the first place we should observe that although the 
long wars of Antiochus III ended in the collapse of Magnesia, 
they were not altogether without fruit. Two provinces, which 
at his accession were politically separate from Syria, he left 
united with it— Cihcia and Coele-Syria (Palestine). The realm 
had thus to some degree gained in compactness what it had 
lost in extent. It embraced the whole country of Aramaic 

Asia Minor had passed from Seleucid rule, but the Seleucid 
kingdom must still be affected by its fortunes and maintain 
close relations with the powers that ruled there. For some 
time after Magnesia no one knew what the outcome of the 
battle would be. The Seleucid power had been thrust back 
across the Taurus; but Some did not immediately intimate 
what she intended to do with the vacated territory. The 
following winter (190-189) was one of a great diplomatic 
scrambla From every part of Asia Minor envoys hastened 
to Home. All the states interested were eager to put their 
particular views before the Senate. 

After the Peace of Apamea (188) the ten commissioners 
who had fixed its conditions proceeded to make the great 
territorial settlement in Asia Minor, which lasted with slight 
modifications till the extinction of the Pergamene dynasty 
sixty years later. Borne took nothing for herself ; she trusted 
to influence rather than direct sovereignty. The net result 
of her arrangements was to put Eumenes of Pergamos in the 
place of the Seleucid King ; almost the whole of the Seleucid 
domain fell to him as King of Asia.^ 

It was not quite the whole of the Seleucid domain which 
Eumenes got. In the first place, Caria south of the Meander 
and Lycia were made subject to the other great ally of Home, 
to Ehodes ; the seaport of Telmessus only, on the confines of 
Lycia and Caria, was made over to Eumenes.^ In the second 

^ Asia was the official designation of the kingdom of Eumenes. 'ArrdX^j re 
XaXem^yaf t^J Paaikei r^f 'A<rfat rijs T€pi rb liiprfoiMV r^v yijy iS^ov -Hiy 'Ao-idda, 
App. Mith, 3. "Ex Asia . . . redieront legati, qui renuntiarnnt Eumenem in 
ea, Antiochum in Syria, Ptolemaeum in Alexandria sese convenisse," Liv. 
xUi. 26. 

^ As an enclave in the Rhodian domain ? or did it communicate with the 
inland possessions of Eumenes by Milyas ? 


place, the Bomans, having come to Asia with such high pro- 
fessions of freeing the Greeks, were bound to do something 
to make them good. They could hardly take away from 
Eumenes the cities which were his, and to satisfy at once his 
claims as an ally and the claims of the cities as Greek states 
was not a simple matter. The Bomans found a practical way 
out of the difl&culty by deciding that all those cities which 
formed part of the inherited domain of Eumenes should 
continue tributary to the Pergamene king.^ To these were 
to be added those cities which had held by Antiochus till after 
the battle of Magnesia. This " enslavement " of them could 
be justified as a punishment, although in many cases it must 
probably have been known that the city had had little choice 
in the matter, shaping its policy under the eyes of a garrison. 
All those states which had renounced their allegiance to 
Antiochus before the battle of Magnesia were to be frea 
Even so the new realm of Eumenes included some of the most 
illustrious cities of Asia Minor — Sardis, the old capital; 
Ephesus, the great harbour and commercial centre ; Magnesia 
under Sipylus, Tralles, and Telmessus. Pamphylia, which the 
Seleucid court maintained to lie on the southern side of the 
Taurus, was ultimately assigned by the Senate to Eumenes.^ 

There are now then four kingdoms in Asia Minor with 
whom the Macedonian houses of Seleucus and Antigonus have 
to treat on a footing of equality — the kingdom with its 
capital at Pergamos, the kingdom of Bithynia, the kingdom of 
Pontic Cappadocia, and the kingdom of southern Cappadocia. 
Besides the territories ruled by these four kings there are the 
continental domain of Bhodes, the territories of the independent 
Greek cities, certain petty principalities, and the lands held by 
barbarian tribes, such as the Pisidians and Gauls. 

These last still constituted a danger for civilization. It 
was the Gauls who had furnished Antiochus with the most 
formidable part of his armies. In the year following Magnesia 
(189) the consul Gnaeus Manlius had made an expedition 

* &rat d' ^ArrdXifi aj&tn'a^iy ir^Xow, Polyb. zxi. 48, 2. It is noticeable that to 
the payment exacted by the Pergameue king the term <ri^ra^tt is here applied — 
the euphemism (as we saw, vol. i. p. 106) by which an attempt was made to 
cloak the ugly fact of a Greek city paying tribute. 

' Polyb. xxi. 48 ; Liv. xxxviii. 39 ; cf. Strabo xiv. 667. 


into Pisidia and the Galatian country, and inflicted upon the 
Gauls defeats so severe and sanguinary as must keep them 
quiet for some time to come. This was part of the necessary 
work of pacification which the Eomans must do before they 
left Asia Minor to their allies. 

Farther east also, the battle of Magnesia introduced a new 
state of things. We have seen before how events at one end 
of the Empire reacted upon another. And such a blow 
destroyed the prestige upon which the supremacy of the 
Seleucid house in all outlying lands rested. Already at the 
time of the repulse of Antiochus from Greece a great fear, 
according to the Ptolemaic envoys in Some, had run through 
Asia Minor and reached even to Syria.^ And now to aU the 
whispering multitudes under him the King was disgraced. " A 
commander had caused the reproach he offered " to the strong 
people of the West " to cease ; sevenfold had his reproach been 
requited." ^ The Empire which Antiochus had spent his life 
in re-forming instantly dissolved. 

In Armenia at the time of the battle Artaxias or Artaxas 
was ruling over one part of the country and a certain 
Zariadris over another part. They ruled as the strategoi of 
Antiochus, and had evidently replaced the old Armenian 
dynasty, which had used the style of kings,^ and claimed, like 
the other royal houses of Iranian origin, to be descended from 
one of the Seven. Xerxes, to wliom Antiochus had given his 
daughter in 212, had been afterwards assassinated at the 
instigation of the Seleucid court^ The old line came to an 
end, according to Strabo, in an otherwise unknown Orontes.^ 
Kings were replaced by strategoi — a sign that Armenia had 
been brought into straiter subjection. Whether Artaxias and 
Zariadris were native Armenian chiefs or whether they had 

» Liv. xxxvii. 3, 10. « Daniel 11, 18. 

' Diodonis speaks of Ardoates about 815 as king (xxxi. 19, 5). Ziaelas flees 
about 250 Tpbs t^ *Ap/i€pltay paaiSJa (Memnon 22). The extract from Polybius 
is introduced with the words "Ori S^/)(ou /ScurcXei^oi^oj ir6Xewf *kpiib<ra.ra (Polyb. 
yiiL 25). None of these passages are of such a kind that their language could 
be pressed, but in this point they are confirmed by the coins (Bal)elon, Rois dc 
SyrUj p. cxciii. f. * See page 16. 

'^ An Orontes was satrap of Armenia in 317 (Diod. xix. 23, 3). If he was 
the father of the line of kings in Armenia, one need not be stumbled by the 
recurrence of the name in the dynasty ; it is only what one would expect 


come in from elsewhere by the appointment of Antiochus, we 
do not know. Their names at any rate show them to have 
been Iranians by race or culture. Magnesia made them 
rerumnce the Seleucid supremacy. They declared themselves 
friends of Home, and the strategoi in their turn became kings. 
Northern Armenia formed the kingdom of Artaxias, the 
southern region, called Sophene, that of Zariadris. Artaxias 
built a new city in the valley of the Araxes, calling it, after 
his own name, Artaxata, to be the capital of his realm. 
According to the general belief, the site had been chosen and 
the laying out of the city directed by the great Hannibal, 
who in his wanderings after the defeat of Antiochus had come 
as far as the court of the new Armenian king.^ 

In Iran itself Magnesia probably at once undid the work 
of Antiochus twenty years before. About the same time that 
Antiochus was making his last stand in Asia Minor, the 
Parthian king upon whom he had imposed his suzerainty, 
Arsaces III, was succeeded by Arsaces IV Phriapatius. 
The change of ruler perhaps meant a fresh declaration of 

Antiochus, hurled back from Asia Minor, turned his 
thoughts once more to the field of his old glories, the East. 
It was thence he had drawn the riches and the renown which 
he had dissipated in the war with Eome. And now that his 
coffers were empty and his armies broken, was it impossible 
that from the East he might again renew his strength, as 
Antaeus did from repeated contact with the earth ? ^ 

As soon as the peace with Bome had been finally concluded 
and sworn to (summer 188), Antiochus left Seleucus in Syria 
as joint-king ^ and plunged into the East. The Mediterranean 
lands never saw him ^gain. The tidings came back to Antioch | 

^ Strabo xi. 528, 581 ; Plutarch, Lttcull. 31. There is nothing unnatural 
in itself iu Hannibal's residence in Armenia. But it is inconsistent with the 
supposition that Artaxias was at that time a friend of Rome. 

^ There are coins struck by an Arsaces with a sign which Professor Gardner 
understood as the date 125 aer. Sel. = 188-187 B.c. Upon this fact Gutschmid 
built the theory that the Greek city of Apamea in Media had been captured at 
that date by the Parthians. But these coins are now put by Mr. Wroth about 
125 B.C., Num, Chron, Srd series, vol. xx. pp. 181-202. 

^ Stark's happy metaphor, Octzaj p. 428. 

* Zeilschr,/, Assyr, viii. p. 109. 



that he had adventured himself with a body of troops in the 
Elymaean hills (mod, Lftristan), where the temple of some 
native god promised great spoil of silver and gold, and had 
been overwhelmed by the fierce tribesmen. That was the 
generally received version of his end.^ "He shall turn his 
face toward the strongholds of his own land: but he shall 
stumble and fall, and shall not be found "^ (187).^ 

Seleucus IV Philopator, who now reigned as sole king, 
was not without experience of affairs. He had borne an active 
part in the war with Eome. The rdle which he inherited 
could hardly be a dazzling one, but it might be not unhonour- 
able — to preside over the slow recovery of the kingdom from 
the day of Magnesia. The most serious consequence of that 
defeat was the empty coffers. It was an evil which could only 
be cured by time ; and that it might be cured, a period of rest 
and the avoidance of all complications was absolutely necessary. 
The inaction of Seleucus Philopator*s reign has led to his being 
regarded as a weak ruler; hardly justly, since an ambitious 
policy would have been madness just then. 

Anxious eyes in Syria watched every turn in the poUtics 
of the Mediterranean states ; the Seleucid court continued to 
catch all whispers from Asia Minor, from Macedonia, from the 
Greek republics. It was a time when the thoughts of men 
were agitated by a great transition. The paramount city of 
Italy had interfered with a strong hand in the eastern Medi- 
terranean. Rome had come in as the ally of some states, as 
the enemy of others, as the champion of Hellenic autonomy, 
but not ostensibly as a conqueror. It had annexed no territory 
east of the Adriatic. But now in the lull after Magnesia men 
became aware of the real significance of the clash of arms that 
they had witnessed. The allies, as well as the enemies of 

1 Diod. xxviii. 3 ; xxix. 15 ; Strabo xvi. 744 ; Eus. p. 253 ; Just, xxxii. 2, 1. 
This account do doubt is derived from Polybius. There is another story given 
by a late author : "asodalibus quos temulentus in convivio pulsaverat occisus 
est," Aurel. Vict. De vir, ill, 54. Whether this goes back to any contemporary 
source we do not know. Under the circumstances it is easily intelligible that 
different stories should get afloat in Syria as to an event happening in a recess of 
the hills of LOrist&n. 

« Daniel 11, 19. » Niese, KrUik der Makk. (1900), p. 79. 


Borne, began to feel the impalpable bands grip them faster than 
the acknowledged supremacy of Macedonian kings. And with 
the feeling a great revulsion swept through the Greek world, a 
nightmare agony to escape the thing that was closing upon 
them before all power of resistance was gone. 

This feeling was common to both the allies and the enemies 
of Rome, but it was not enough to do away the old division. 
It was alloyed in the enemies of Eome by nothing but the fear 
of Rome's vengeance ; in the allies of Rome it was alloyed by 
the desire for Rome's continued support. They could not 
refrain under the pressure of the moment from carrying their 
quarrels to the Senate and soliciting Rome's word on their 
behalf, although by so doing they wound themselves deeper 
and deeper in the toils. 

Certainly at no previous moment could any one who stood 
forward as an antagonist of Rome have counted on such general 
sympathy in the eastern Mediterranean. And before long 
the eyes of men began to turn to the king of Macedonia. 
Philip was filled with resentment at the inadequate reward he 
had got for his help against Antiochus, and it became known 
that he was preparing on a vast scale for another fight. He 
died in 179, but his plans and preparations were carried on 
by his illegitimate son, Perseus, who succeeded to the Mace- 
donian throne. 

In such a time no one found himself in a more delicate 
position than King Eumenes. There was too much shrewdness 
at the Pergamene court for the inconveniences and dangers of 
the Roman patronage to be ignored. He could not, of course, 
do without it ; he must not suffer his staunchness as the main 
ally of Rome to be clouded; but he saw the importance of 
giving Rome as little opportunity as possible to interfere in 

On this principle Eumenes seems to have made his ideal 
a state of family concord between the Asiatic kings. Magnesia ^ 
left him in a somewhat chill isolation. He alone among the 
kings was the friend of Rome. No sooner, therefore, was the 
house of Seleucus reduced to a position in which it ceased to 
threaten him, than Eumenes was ready with the hand of 
friendship. The envoys of Antiochus who came to the Roman 


camp after Magnesia were astonished to discover that the 
Pergamene king had apparently blotted all trace of past sore- 
ness from his mind.^ But the great diplomatic success of 
Eumenes was in Cappadocia. Ariarathes IV, linked both by 
his mother and his wife to the Seleucid house, had not only 
sent his troops to fight with those of Antiochus at Magnesia, 
but had even in the following year supported the Galatians 
against Manlius.^ After the Boman victory he made his 
submission, and was amerced in 600 talents of silver.^ Now 
Eumenes saw his opportunity. He offered the Cappadocian 
king his friendship, and asked the hand of his daughter 
Stratonice.^ On condition that he complied, Eumenes under- 
took to use his influence to get the fine reduced. Ariarathes 
was probably glad enough to close with such terms. Eumenes 
married Stratonice. The fine was lowered to one-half of the 
original amount Ariarathes and the Cappadocian people were 
received among the friends of Rome.* 

But the pacific policy of Eumenes was frustrated in other 
quarters. It was indeed almost a hopeless task to keep in 
with Bome and with the enemies of Rome at the same time. 
In proportion as the feehng against Rome in the Greek world 
grew stronger, more odium attached to the Pergamene house, 
which had served the alien with such zeaL 

Presently it appeared that in Asia Minor also there was a 
power which might form the nucleus of an emti-Roman group. 
Since Antiochus III had fetched his bride from northern 
(Pontic) Cappadocia in 222 we have heard nothing of that 
kingdom. Its history during the rest of the reign of Antiochus 
III is for us a blank. Mithridates II, who appears to have 
died about the time of the battle of Magnesia, after a reign 
of some sixty years,^ is not mentioned as taking any part in 
the broils of his son-in-law, the Great Eling. But those 
unrecorded sixty years may have been years of steady internal 
consolidation. In 183, five years after the Peace of Apamea, 
the Greek world was horrified by the news that Sinope had been 

> Polyb. xxi. 16, 6. « Liv. xxxviii. 26, 3. » Ibid. 37, 6. 

** Called, of coarse, after her Seleucid grandmother, Stratonice, whose grand- 
mother again was Stratonice, the daughter of Demetrius Poliorcetes. 
» Polyb. xxi. 47 ; Liv. xxxnu. 87, 6 ; 39, 6 ; Strabo xii. 640. 
* Reinauh, MUhridaU Eupatar, p. 84. 


suddenly attacked and seized by Phamaces, the son and successor 
of Mithridates. This was rapidly followed by fresh conquests 
along the northern coasts, till even Heraclea felt itself insecure. 
Pharnaces was thought to cherish large designs of aggression. 
He had found an ally in Mithridates, the " satrap " of Lesser 
Armenia.^ Asia Minor was at once divided into two camps. 
Eumenes, Ariarathes, and even Prusias II of Bithynia — the 
allies of Some — took up arms in defence of the status quo. 

All these developments on either side of the Aegean had 
been watched by the Seleucid court. An incidental notice 
shows us that Seleucus IV, if debarred from active interference 
in the west, was at any rate concerned to maintain close 
diplomatic relations with the states of Greece. Polybius 
describes a meeting of the Achaean Assembly held in the year 
following Seleucus' accession, at which his ambassadors pre- 
sented themselves to renew the amity subsisting between the 
Achaeans and the Seleucid house, and to ofifer them a present 
of ten ships of war^ (in the year 187-186). The amity was 
renewed but the ships declined.^ It is only the deficiency 
of our records, no doubt, which prevents us from seeing 
similar embassies at work to sound their master's name in 
the ear of the other Greek states. 

There could be no question that the sympathies of the 
house of Seleucus were with the antagonists of £oma And 
as the anti- Roman movement defined itself more and more in 
the years following Magnesia, it was not an impossible con- 
tingency that Seleucus might compromise his neutrality. 
When the war between Phamaces and the other three kings 
broke out in Asia Minor (183-179), Seleucus seemed at one 
moment about to intervene on the anti-Boman side. He 

^ What the relations of this Mithridates were (1) to the Seleucid King, (2) 
to Artaxias, we do not know. Although called satrap, he appears to act with 
Pharnaces as an independent power. That he is identical with Mithridates, 
the nephew of Antiochus III, as Reinach (MUhridaU, p. 41, note) thinks 
probable, appears to me unlikely, since so far from saying that Antiochus put 
in this nephew as dynast, Polybius expressly says that he reeded the advice of 
his friends to do so {b bk ^aaCKtbs roOrtav fxiw oOSevl Tpoa^axt), Polyb. yiii. 25. 
The name Mithridates was, of course, as common among the Iranians of that 
age as the corresponding ApoUonius among the Greeks. 

^ Were these ten ships which the Seleucid court might no longer keep after 
the Peace of Apamea t "* Polyb. xxii. 10, 4 ; 12, 18 ; Died. zxix. 17. 



marched with a considerable force towards the passes of the 
Taurus, but his nerve failed before he had taken the decisive 
step.^ He suffered Pharnaces to go down unaided before 
Eumenes and his allies. It was about this time that Titus 
Flamininus came in the quality of ambassador to the Seleucid 
court, and we may connect his presence there with the 
abortive schemes of Seleucus.* 

The hopes of all in the Greek world who wished to be 
rid of the Eoman incubus were fixed, as has just been said, 
upon Macedonia, and in Perseus, who succeeded his father 
Philip in 179, it may have seemed that the hour had brought 
the man. Macedonia had armed to the teeth, and Perseus 
worked unremittingly at amassing all the means of victory. 
There was, of course, no overt hostility to Eome, but every- 
body knew for what cause Perseus stood. It was therefore 
significant of the general temper in the eastern Mediterranean 
when Seleucus Philopator made haste, upon the accession of 
Perseus, to press upon him the hand of his daughter Laodice, 
and when the Ehodians escorted the new queen of Macedonia 
with a great display of their ships.* 

It was perhaps in consequence of the suspicions which 
were entertained of Seleucus in Eome that his brother 
Antiochus, who had been kept since 189 *as a hostage, was 
exchanged before 175 for his son Demetrius.* The name 
Demetrius, we may stop to notice, now appears for the first 
time alongside of Seleucus and Antiochus in the Seleucid 
family. It was, of course, a declaration of its consanguinity 
with the house of Antigonus through Stratonice, the daughter 
of the great Demetrius. The adoption of the name by the 
Seleucid house might have two objects. It might be intended 
as a mark of friendship to their cousin in Macedonia at an 

» Diod. xxix. 24. 

^ He was dispatched from Rome as ambassador to Prusias and Seleucus in 
183, Polyb. xziii. 5. It was on this visit to Prusias that he contrived the 
death of Hannibal, who was still living under the protection of the Bithynian 
king. ' Liv. xliL 12 ; Polyb. xxv. 4, 8 ; Michel, No. 1298. 

^ App. Syr. 45, £us. I. p. 253. I do not know that there is anything to date 
this exchange by, except that in the year of Seleucus' death (176-175) Antiochus 
was living at Athens. Appian speaks certainly as if the residence of Antiochus at 
Athens was a brief one on his way to Syria, but since he apparently took a part 
in Athenian public life, it is possible that it was really longsr. 



1. Orophernes of CaPI'ADOCIA. 

2. Ariarathes V ErsEBES Philopator, of Cappadocia. 

3. Alexander (Balas). 

4. Demetrius II Nicator (young). 

5. Demetrius II Nicator (after his return from Parthia). 

6. Antiochus VI Dionysus. 

7. Tryphon. 

8. The national Macedonian helmet on the coins of Tryphon. 

9. Alexander (Zabinasi. 

10. Antiochus VII Eueroetes (Sidktfs;. 
IT. The Same. 








hour when the two houses must draw together against the 
foreigner; or it might be a notice to the world, when the 
reigning Antigonid king had only one legitimate son, that the 
kings who reigned in Antioch were the next heirs by blood.^ 

Of the internal administration of Seleucus Philopator we 
know only that the necessities of the time made its first 
object the replenishing of the empty treasuries. The war in- / 
demnity paid by annual instalments to Some was a continuous 
drain. The country had now to pay the bill for the grandiose 
enterprises of Antiochus III, and it was squeezed at a time 
when it had not even the imaginative compensation of seeing 
its king in the lustre of military glory. For the first time the 
inhabitants of Syria saw the Seleucid King sitting, year in, 
year out, at home. Such a king was not worth paying for, 
and yet he made them pay more heavily than they had ever 
paid before. "And there shall rise up in his (Antiochus Ill's) n)cv^' 
place an exactor, who shall cause the royal dignity to pass 
\i\ away, and in a few days he shall be broken, but not in battle 
array or in war.^ 

The government appeared to be merely a vast machine 
for expressing money, and the working of it was in the hands 
of the chief minister Heliodorus the son of Aeschylus, a citizen 
of Antioch. An inscribed base declares that the statue once 
upon it was that of Heliodorus, put up in Delos by a mercan- 
tile £issociation of Laodicea in gratitude for his benefits.^ 
This may show that the administration of Heliodorus was 
adroit in encouraging commerce ; it may, of course, only mean 
that the merchants sought to win his favour by such honours. 
A Jewish work gives us a picture of him making a progress 
through the cities of Palestine, accompanied by his body- 
guards (Sopv<f>6poc\^ His great position tempted Heliodorus 
uto aspire still higher. He formed a conspiracy against the 
King, and in 176-175 Seleucus Philopator was suddenly 
murdered in the quiet of his kingdom.^ With Seleucus the 
quiet also came to an end. 

1 Demetrius, the son of Seleucus, was born about 185, and at that time i/ 
Demetrius, the legitimate son of Philip, was still alive. 

' Daniel 11, 20 ; cf. ZeXet^/rou . . . dTpdKTus Afta xal dffSewwi {^paffi\evK&ros)^ 
App. JSlyr. 66. » Bull eorr. hell. i. (1877), p. 286. 

< 2 Mace. 3. * App. Syr, 46. 





It is probable that after assassinating Seleucus Philopator, 
Heliodorus proclaimed the infant son of Seleucus king. He 
intended, of course, to wield the whole royal power himself, 
and he would have lost more than he gained by assuming the 
diadem.^ The real heir was Demetrius, the elder son of 
Seleucus, now a boy of some nine years, growing up as a 
hostage in Eome. And there was yet another member of the 
royal house to be reckoned with. 

Antiochus, the brother of Seleucus Philopator, was in 
Athens when the news of the coup dUtat in Syria reached 
him. He had betaken himself thither on being set at liberty, 
and had not only become an Athenian citizen, but had even 
been elected to the chief magistracy (that of a-Tparrjyo^ iirl 
rh oTrXa).* Then whilst playing at being the successor of 
Pericles the prospect suddenly opened before him of being 
the successor of Seleucus Nicator. It was not from Syria 
only, but from Pergamos that the call came to him. 

The situation created by the murder of Seleucus jumped 
well with the policy of Eumenes. The action of Seleucus 

' Of the proceedings of Heliodorus we have no direct information, bat it is 
incredible that, had he assumed the diadem, he would have left the infant son 
of Seleucus alive. I should propose to see this infant son in the problematic 
child of the coins (Plate II. No. 5). His resemblance to Seleucus IV is striking. 
lir. Macdonald prefers to regard the child of the coins as the eldest son of 
Antiochus III, but that Antiochus was already about ten when associated with 
his father, and the child of the coins looks younger. 

^ There are Athenian coins for the year 175 with his name and the Seleucid 
elephant. See Keinach, Hev. d. Prudes Orecques, 1888, p. 168 f. 



during the war with Phaniaces shows that the hopes of 
Eumenes to heal the quarrel with the Seleucid house had so 
far been vain. But the irreconcilable sovereign was now gone, 
and instantly Eumenes saw his chance of securing that the 
vacant throne should be held by a friend. He offered Antiochus J 
the help of the Pergamene arms in seizing the inheritance. 
^ Antiochus left Athens and crossed over to Asia Minor. 
He had probably at this moment no resources. But every- 
thing was provided. Eumenes and his brother Attains escorted 
him with a Pergamene army along the eastern road to the 
frontier of the two realms. At their expense Antiochus was 
furnished with the externals of royalty. A solemn treaty of ' 
friendship between the Attalid and the new Seleucid king 
was made with sacrifice, and, surrounded by the troops of I ^ 
Eumenes, Antiochus descended upon Syria.^ y ' 

The position of Antiochus in Syria does not seem to have 
been at first an easy one. We have no exact information as 
to the sort of opposition he met with, but we can see that not 
only would Heliodorus confront him, but that his manifest 
usurpation, while children of Seleucus lived, would set against 
him many loyal adherents of the Seleucid house. We also 
gather that in southern Syria there was a faction at work for 
the restoration of the province to Egypt. Antiochus seems to 
have proceeded with a mixture of calculated mildness and 
equally calculated bloodshed.^ " And there shall arise in his 
(Seleucus IV's) place a contemptible man, upon whom they )^ fj ; -. 

have not conferred royal dignity, but he shall come in unawares, 
and shall seize the kingdom by guile. And forces shall be / 
utterly overwhelmed before him. ... He shall practise fraud, ) 
and shall rise and become strong with (but) few men. And : 
by stealth he shall assail the mightiest men of (each) province, , 
and he shall do what his fathers have not done, nor the : 
fathers of his fathers. Spoil and plunder and riches shall he 
scatter among them, and against strongholds shall he devise 
his devices." * 

Whatever those manoeuvres were which we can no longer i/ 

^ App. Syr. 45 ; Michel, No. 550. ' Jerome on Daniel 11, 21. 

' Daniel 11, 21 f. (my brother's translation, involving some correction of the 



/ trace, Antiochus succeeded in briogiDg all his brother's kingdom 
under his authority. The opposition melted away. Heliodorus 
is no more heard of. Apollonius, one of the persons of greatest 
influence with the late king, retired to Miletus.^ The Jew 
Hyrcanus, who had made himself a petty prince in the country 
east of Jordan, committed suicide.^ To get rid of the infant 

y son of Seleucus, Antiochus resorted to the familiar device of 
employing an agent, whom he afterwards disowned. The 
child was assassinated at Antiochus' word by Andronicus; 
Antiochus then turned upon Andronicus and put him to 

The man who had set himself upon the Syrian throne 

had for his contemporaries, and has for us, the fascination of 

enigma. No other king of his house had been such as he. 

We must take into account, of course, that no other king had 

had the same sort of education. Instead of growing up in a 

palace among eunuchs and courtiers, he had grown up in 

Eome. There was already in Eome the beginning of that 

corruption which reached such fearful proportions later on, 

but the tradition of a purer time had not lost its power. 

Nowhere else was there found the same proud and ordered 

freedom, and the political morality of the Republic was still 

(in comparison with that of his native land) the admiration 

of the contemporary Greek. The young Macedonian prince 

was received on friendly terms by the youth of the Eoman 

aristocracy, and became intimate with many of the men in 

whose hands the destiny of the world rested.* The effect of 

such surroundings can- be traced in the character of Antiochus 

IV. He liad come into contact mth a political system more 

vigorous and eflective than that of Asiatic monarchy, and a 

new vigour and dan, as we say, marked his rule. He had 

consorted as an equal with equals, and his character acquired 

a republican bent, his manner scandalized the court by its 

unceremonious freedom, its undignified familiarity. He had, 

besides that, violently caught the fashionable Hellenism with 

1 Tolyb. xxxi. 21, 8. * Joseph. Arch. xii. § 236. 

' Diod. XXX. 7, 2; John of Damascus, frag. 58 {F.H.O, iy. p. 558). In 
2 Mace. Antiochns is, of course, represented as putting Andronicus to death in 
punishment for the murder of Onias. 
* Liv. xlii. 6 ; Just xxxiy. 3, 2. 


its republican ideals and shibboleths. We have seen that 
on being set at liberty he had at once gone to the metropolis 
of Hellenic culture, to Athens, and entered upon the life of a 

These influences acting upon some temperaments might 
have made it tell powerfully in the world to valuable ends. 
But in Antiochus they were thrown away, owing to the 
incurable superficiality of his character. That quality in 
his father which had made him to be aSected by the ex- 
ternal aspect of things rather than by their real import, by 
what was showy rather than by what was sound — this 
was reproduced more saliently in Antiochus IV. His 
imagination and sentiment outran his reason. Pageantry, J 
theatrical display were his delight. The reign of his quiet 
brother looked tame beside his, with its spirited movement 
and bold action, but it was Seleucus Philopator who amassed 
the money, and Antiochus Epiphanes who left the kingdom J 

Antiochus had something, I think, of the ''Bohemian" 
in him, an unsubstantialness of mental frame, to which 
the common prose of life is too ponderous, which needs 
to be continually gratified with new colour and sensation. 
While therefore he loved the splendour of royalty, its 
gold and purple, its fanfares and grandiloquent titles, the 
restraint and solemnity of court etiquette he found intolerable 

At night, when the great city hummed around his palace 
with the murmur of obscure revelry, he was often drawn forth 
by a craving to share in the &ee life that went on in those 
populous streets. He would give his courtiers the slip and 
plunge down into the alleys with one or two intimates. Often 
some party of young men drinking late together might hear 
the noise of a fresh company of revellers drawing near with 
horns and psalteries and be startled by the sudden apparition 
of the King. Sometimes at mid-day he would be seen, flushed 
with wine, tossing money by handfuls into the street. People 
had met him, crowned with roses and habited in cloth of gold, 
wandering on some unknown quest ; it was not advisable to 
follow him ; fix)m such curiosity he was capable of defending 

VOL, II ^ 



himself with stones P Even the life of grooms and porters 
had a cariosity for him, and any one of the cosmopolitan crowd 
which flowed through Antioch might find that he had the 
King for a boon-companion. He bathed in the public baths, 
and once, when his slaves brought the unguents which furnished 
the royal toilet — precious gums for which Asia was ransacked 
— some fellow of the crowd called out, "You kings are 
lucky people to use such things as that and smell so good ! " 
Antiochus marked him, and the next day ordered a vessel of 
choice myrrh to be broken upon the man's head. There was 
a general rush to wallow in the spilt unguent, a scrimmage 
and tumble on the slippery floor, in which among shrieks of 
laughter the King joined. 

It was the formality, the routine of life against which 
Antiochus warred. With all his republican bonhomie he had 
fundamentally the nature of the tyrant. He would suffer no 
conventional restraint upon his impulse. He loved to do the 
unexpected. To some grave councillor he would ceremoniously 
present a handful of knuckle-bones or dates ; at another time 
he would catch a chance man in the street, to bestow upon 
him a thing of price; in both cases for the pure delight of 
watching their faces. His caprices ran near insanity. Or 
again, his engaging geniality might be assumed to cover some 
deadly purposa His incalculable vein had its sinister aspect. 
He felt no difficulty in pleasantries with the man at whom he 
designed to strike. There was something horribly dangerous 
and panther-like in his caresses.^ 

In such a nature one might expect to find, with all its 
defects, some aesthetic sensibilitiea And Antiochus was an 
enthusiastic virtuoso. When he escaped from the palace he 
was most commonly found among the workers in gold and 
silver, the engravers and jewellers, discussing with passionate 
intensity some nice point of technique. On a larger scale he 
gratified his love of art in his sumptuous building, in the adorn- 
ment of his cities; Greek artists thronged to Antioch from 
all parts ; new temples and public buildings rose under his eye. 

* Our authority for the throwing of money and stones is the memoirs of 
King Ptolemy Euergetes II (ap. Athen. x. 488 e), Ptolemy had no reason to 
love his uncle, and is not likely to have spared his eooentricities. 

3 Granius Ijicinianus xxnii« 


Bearing in mind the general character of Antiochus, we 
can form some estimate of the quality of his Hellenism. It 
was the temples and external glories of the Greek states, the 
consecrated forms of their religious and civil life, which by 
their visible grace or their historic associations possessed his 
mind. One who looked deeper might have seen that Greek 
religion, its mythology and its ritual, however much it had 
received some stamp of beauty and comeliness from the people 
among whom it took shape, was yet one of the least distinctive 
things in Hellenic civilization, a legacy from days when there 
was as yet no antithesis between Hellene and barbarian. Or 
again it might have been felt that the forms of the republican 
state had a value beyond the academic, only when they were 
the vehicle of a certain spirit To Antiochus the forms 
themselves were dear. Antioch was compelled sometimes 
to enact the comedy of being £ome. The King himself 
appeared in the Eoman toga, and canvassed in public places 
for the oflBce of aedile or tribune. Being duly elected, he 
took his seat upon the regular curule chair and adjudged the 
disputes of the market-place with solemn concentration and 
care. Even so ugly and coarse a feature of Boman life as 
gladiatorial combats this apostle of Hellenism must introduce 
into Antioch. It was held to be a triumph when the Antiochene 
crowd was gradually accustomed, first to the sight of wounds, 
and then of butchery.^ 

We have only to divine that Antiochus united to all his 
extravtigances and enthusiasms some undefinable charm of 
boyish high spirits, of happy recklessness — some curious beauty 
of face I think one gathers from the coins — ^in order to 
understand the perplexity of contemporary opinion concerning 
him.^ There seemed no reconciling the strange contradictions 
of his personality.* Was he a creature of splendid and effectual 
energy, princely in the scale of his undertakings and his large 

1 Polyb. xxvL 1 ; Liv. xli. 20 ; Diod. xxix. 82. 

- Of his general popularity 1 Mace. 6, 11 is a remarkable testimony. A 
hostile account makes him reflect upon his death-bed: *'I was gracions and 
beloved in my power." 

' (u^f iKturroif) dTrurretP cl irept fdaif Kal t^p aMiw ^(nnv roaa&nip dpeHp^ koI 
KUKlaw {fxdp^au 8vvaT6v iariv^ Polyb. xxxL 4, 9. 





munificence ? ^ or a man of profound and devilish guile, a " king 
of fierce countenance and understanding dark sentences " ? ^ or 
a simple child of nature ? * or a fantastical madman ?* Moderate 
men really did not know what to say of him.^ 

Having made himself master of Syria, Antiochus, says our 
authority, ruled with a strong hand.® What we are told of 
his internal administration does not, it must be confessed, show 
it in a good light. His chief counsellors were two youths, 
brothers, Heraclides and Timarchus of Miletus, who had 
obtained his favour in the vilest of ways; Heraclides was 
made minister of finance (eVl rdt^ Trpoo-oSot?) and Timarchus 
governor of the eastern provinces/ Again, the principal cities 
of Cilicia, Tarsus and Mallus, found themselves made over to 
the King's mistress, Antiochis, and as a consequence Antiochus 
soon had an insurrection in that quarter upon his hands.^ 

But there were certain forms of patronage which the 
cities of the realm no doubt found that the new king was 

' 'Arrioxos 6 /3a<rtXe(>f ^v Kal rpaicTiKds koX fieyaXeirlpoKos Kal tov rijs pcun\€las 
dfdfiaTos d^iot, Polyb. xxviii. 18. ij tov rbre pa<n\e6ovroi fJueyoKo^vxio. dtddi^Xof 
iyiycTO ToWEWriaw, ibid. xxix. 24, 13. *'In duabus tamen magnis honestisque 
rebus yere regius erat animus," Li v. xlL 20. 

8 Daniel 8, 23. 

^ ol fUv ybip d^X^ rufo, a^bv e&ou vr€\dfifi<woVf Polyb. xxvi. 1, 7. 

* *ETi<fHiy^s fUv KKuBtU 'En/ioyf^s d* iK tQv Trpd^ciay dvoftairOels, Polyb. 
xxvi. 1, 1. 

* i^ &¥ els droplcw ^e rwr AtfOfxinrup rodi HrieiKeUf Polyb. xxvi. 1, 7. With 
these diverse judgments of antiquity it is interesting to compare the opinions of 
modem authorities witliin the last twenty years. 

** Der hochbegabte Antiochus IV Epiphanes, der eine klare Einsioht in die 
Schaden hatte, an denen das Reich krankte," Gutschmid, Irdn, p. 40. 

"Ce qu'il comprenait le moins, c*^tait le pays ou il regnait,*' Renan, 
Hiatoire dupeuple d*l8r(Ull, iv. p. 302. 

** £r war cine echte Despoten-Natur . . . grausam und tyrannisch, wie sein 
Verfahren gogen Judaa uns zeigt," Schiirer, Oesch, d, jild. Volk^ i. p. 191. 

'*Eine interessante Characteristik dieses origenellen Mannes giebt Poly bios 
. . . Die vom Hass verzerrte Caricatur des A. in der jUdiscben Littcratur 
(Makkabaeerbiicher, Buch Daniel u. s. w.) ist fiir die Beurtheilung A.s natiirlich 
vollig werthlos," Wilcken in PaulyWissowa, i. p. 2476. 

And we speak of the ** verdict of posterity " ! 

' Zvp(at Kal Twv rcpl aMjv iBvCw iyKparCH ^PX^t App. Syr. 45. 

7 aarpdrrip fiiv fx^*' ^^ BapvKCiPi Tlftapxoy, App. Syr, 45. His government 
included the nearer Ir&nian provinces. He is called a-arpdirrfi Mridlas, Diod. 
xxxi. 27 a. The seat of government for the eastern part of the kingdom was, of 
course, the Babylonian Seleucia. 

s 2 Maoc. 4, 30. 


ready enough to give. The pomp and display of a great civic 
festival would attract his interest Tyre celebrated a festival 
with games every fourth year — a periodic principle almost 
certainly showing imitation of such Greek institutions as the 
Olympic games and the Panathenaea. And at the first of 
these, which came round after the accession of Antiochus, he 
himself was present, and caused the other communities of 
Palestine to send contributions to the expense of the games 
and the great sacrifice to Heracles (Melkarth).^ 

The foreign policy of Antiochus during these early years 
had of course for its chief question the line to be pursued 
in view of the general anti-Eoman movement of which King 
Perseus of Macedonia was the centre. There was this 
difference in the situation of the Seleucid court under the new 
king, that it had now a close understanding with Pergamos. ^ 
Pergamos, Cappadocia and Syria formed a sort of triple 
alliance in the East. The policy of the three powers was 
pronouncedly philo-Eoman, and yet the mere fact of their 
alliance (as they all were well aware) put a certain check 
upon Some, so that, although no handle for complaint was 
given, Eome was profoundly annoyed and visited Eumenes 
later on with conspicuous displeasure.^ 

Antiochus observed a studiously deferential attitude to the ^ 
Western power. The instalments of the war indemnity fell 
indeed into arrear during the first years after 176, years in 
which no doubt Antiochus was occupied in making his throne 
secure. But in 173 one of the chief persons of the court, a 
certain Apollonius, of apparently marked Boman sympathies, 
was sent at the head of an embassy to bring all that was 
owing, and beg for the confirmation of Eome's friendship to 
the new king. The embassy was well received and a formal 
renewal of amity accorded.* 

But it was well understood that the Seleucid King was at ^■ 
heart no friend to Eome. Perseus did not despair of his 
alliance. There had been goings to and fro between Pella and 

^ 2 Mace. 4, 19 ; see Grimm's note. Tyre struck coins with the head of 
Antiochus in 175 (Babelon, p. cix.), and may therefore have been one of the 
places which declared for him early. 

» Polyb. xxxi. 6, 6. * Liv. xliL 6. 


Antioch of which Rome did not fail to get intelligence. Yet 
Antiochus was able to convince the Boman mission which 
visited Antioch in 173-172 that he had been deaf to the 
y I tempter, and was absolutely at the command of Roma^ And 
meanwhile he was quietly contravening the stipulations of the 
Peace, and new ships of war were being built in the 
Phoenician docks.^ There were still elephants, which we hear 
of in 170,* stabled at Apamea.* 

Before it had come to actual war between Macedonia and 
Rome the thoughts of Antiochus were occupied in another 
quarter. When he had established himself in Syria, Egypt 
was being governed by his sister Cleopatra, the widow of 
Ptolemy Epiphanes who had died in 182 ; she was regent for 
her young son, Ptolemy Philometor. This circumstance 
relieved him of all anxiety on his southern frontier; but in 
173 Cleopatra died. Then the anti-Seleucid party, represented 
by Eulaeus the chief eunuch, and Lenaeus, a native of Ccele- 
Syria, came to the helm.^ Already Apollonius the son of 
Menestheus, whom Antiochus sent to represent him at the 
inaugural festivities of the young Ptolemy,^ reported the 
temper of the Alexandrian court as menacing. An immediate 
attack was apprehended. Antiochus advanced promptly with 
^ a force to repel an invasion, as far at any rate as Joppa. 
After satisfying himself that things were safe for the moment, 
he returned north.^ Yet the danger was only deferred. The 
party which now ruled Egypt had never acquiesced in the loss 
of Coele-Syria. It had been wrested from the kingdom at 
a moment of weakness ; but the question which for a hundred 
and thirty years had been the standing ground of quarrel 
between the rival houses should not be closed to the dis- 

» Liv. xlii. 26. « 2 Mace. iv. 20. » 1 Mace 1, 17. 

* The Parthian kiugdom must hare cut off the Seleucids from getting a 
fresh stock of elephants from India. 

° Diod. XXX. 15. 

* The expression of 2 Maoc. 4, 21, vpurroKXlaia or (as variously read) 
TpuTOKX-ffffia is supposed to be another name for what are called in Polyb. xxviii. 
12, 8, dyojcXrfHipia, and are described as rd vofu^bfieva, ylpetrSau rois ftaurtXewnw 
5ray els ijXiKlay i\0o»<ny. 

' 2 Mace. 4, 21. 


advantage of the Ptolemaic. Preparations for renewing the 
appeal to arms were vigorously pressed forward in Egypt 
Antiochus could not be expected to wait quietly till they were 
completed; but if he were the first to open war he feared t/' 
setting Bome against him. And now the storm in the West, 
which had been gathering so long, at last burst In 171 
actual war between Bome and Perseus began, and the 
Macedonian kingdom entered upon its supreme struggle for 
existence. The ambassador Meleager, whom Antiochus sent 
to lay before the Senate the aggressive attitude of Egypt and 
justify his own measures of defence,^ found that Rome at that 
moment was fully engaged elsewhera 

Early in 169 another embassy of Antiochus was in Some. 
It was headed, like the former one, by Meleager. He was 
accompanied by Heraclides, the insinuating, unwholesome 
minister of finance, who knew to perfection how to touch the 
palm of every venal Senator.* The mission of the embassy 
was to convince the Senate that in the conflict which was 
impending, or had even now begun, Egypt, not Antiochus, was 
the aggressor. Its work in Bome was watched by an embassy 
from Alexandria. But till the Macedonian business was 
decided, the Senate would give neither party a definite answer. 
It would put upon Quintus Marcius, the consul, who was 
about to sail for Greece, all responsibility for expressing the 
will of Bome to King Ptolemy.' 

Egypt about the same time took the ofiensive (170-169). 
The regents, Eulaeus and Lenaeus, marched out with an army ( i< <-^ 
to invade Coele- Syria. Before they left Alexandria they ^ z-'^- 
delivered a harangue to the populaca They would make 
short work with the enemy ; they would do a great deal more 
than barely win back the lost province ; they would make the 
whole Seleucid realm an appendage of the Egyptian crown. 
j A strange accompaniment to the army were waggons of bullion, 
1 of gold and silver plate, of jewels and rich feminine attire, even 
( furniture from the palace. These, the regents explained, were 
the means by which they would prevail over the constancy of 
Seleucid cities and strongholds. 

Not many days had passed before the Egyptian army was 

1 Polyb. xxvii. 19. « Diod. xxxL 27». ' Polyb. xxviii. 1. 


in headlong rout and the Seleucid King stood at the doors of 

the land. 

^ - I Antiochus had gathered a large army ^ with the purpose 

^ "^ of proceeding beyond the defensive. It is now that we find 

his son Antiochus, a child of three or four years, associated in 

the throne,^ a measure which implies that he expected to be 

engaged in warfare at a distance from the capital.^ He had 

already nearly crossed the desert between Palestine and i^ypt, 

had passed Mount Casius and almost reached the frontier- 

^^ I fortress of Egypt, Pelusium, when the army of Eulaeus and 

/ .5 j^" I Lenaeus were encountered on their way. The battle which 

ensued was a crushing defeat for the generals of Ptolemy. 

The news threw Alexandria from its vain confidence into 

unreasoning panic. Although Pelusium still blocked the way 

of the invader, all was given up for lost. The young king * was 

hurriedly packed on board ship to escape, if he could, to the 

sacred island of Samothrace.^ It was a foolish step. Ptolemy 

/ was intercepted by the Syrian vessels, and fell into the hands 

of Antiochus. 

The Alexandrian people showed in this crisis more spirit 
than the boasters who had so lightly entered into the war. 
They determined on resistance, and, since their king had 
deserted them, called his younger brother to the throne, a boy 
of about fifteen.* He was given the auspicious surname of 
Euergetes, to which clung memories of that earlier Ptolemy 
who had marched victoriously through the heart of the Seleucid 

^ Jerome (on Dan. 11) says '*ciim modico populo," and this is followed by 

Mr. Mahaffy {Empire of the Ptolemies, p. 833), with whose view (on page 494 of 

his book) I am gratified to discoTer my way of understanding these Egyptian 

campaigns in the main ooincides. But Jerome's phrase, Mr. Mahaffy does not 

^ seem to have noticed, comes from a misapplication of the Hebrew of verse 23. 

' Zeitschr.f, Aesyr, viii. p. 110. 

' 2 Mace. 9, 28. The mother of this child, whom Antiochus IV must have 
taken as his queen in 175, was called Laodice (Michel, No. 1096). Whether she 
was a sister or a princess of some other dynasty we do not know. 

^ According to John of Antioch, frag. 58 (F,H.O, iv. p. 558) he had been 
present at the battle, but Polybius says iicrbz y^pbfjuevov tQv dciyup xal rwrovroy 
r&ww iiroffrdyra rwif ix'^P^^ (xxviii. 21). 

• Polyb. xxviii. 21 ; Diod. xxx. 17. 

• Ij^Ti ydp (Tvvi^iye rirre tAf pctiirepoi' IlroXe/Muby iurb tup 6x^(»f'' dpade^tx^ai 
fitunXia dtd -Hpf wepUrraauft Polyb. xxix. 28. ' Ens. I. p. 161. 



These measures, however, Antiochus, having got Ptolemy 
Philometor into his hands, could turn to his own account. He 
now represented himself as the champion of the legitimate 
king against the usurping brother.^ He had a specious 
pretext ready to hand for an invasion of Egypt.^ But first 
there was the obstacle of Pelusium to be surmounted. And 
the new government in Alexandria, alive to the emergency, 
sent a fleet to secure the frontier city. But it was engaged 
by the Seleucid ships, and the naval battle went, as the land 
battle had done, against the I^yptians.^ To win Pelusium, 
Antiochus trusted not less to subtilty than to arms. He had 
already half- won the hearts of those who served King Ptolemy. 
In the first battle near Mount Casius, when the horror of flight 
was upon the Egyptian army, Antiochus had suddenly appeared 
riding amongst them as an angel of deliverance and ordering 
his troops to hold their hand. The impression thence conceived 
of him made for his advantage. Many of those who " ate of 
the meat" of King Ptolemy deserted to the invader.* The 
garrison of Pelusium listened to his overtures, and then swiftly, 
without violating the letter of any agreement, Antiochus seized 
the city. It was an incident in his career which his 
admirers did not like to reflect upon.^ 

The way into Egypt now lay open. A bridge was rapidly 
constructed over the Pelusiac branch of the Nile, and the 
Syrian army poured into the Delta.* Lower Egypt was. soon 
entirely in the hands of Antiochus, except Alexandria, which 
still held out for Ptolemy Euergetes. Antiochus fixed the 
seat of the rival government, for which Ptolemy Philometor 
was to serve as figure-head, at Memphis.^ 





yafifipf (reaUy, of course, uncle) *Airri6xtfi, John of Antioch, frag. 58. 

^ Diod. xxzi. 1. Wilcken {PatUy- fVissowa, i. p. 2473) argues that this 
invasion of Egypt must be a second invasion because Antiochus had Philometor 
already in his hands before making it (Li v. xlv. 11, 8). The view here taken of 
the chain of events makes this supposition unnecessary. Till after the battle 
near Mount Casius the Egyptians were the aggressors ; Antiochus was acting on 
the defensive. The premature flight of Philometor now took place, and Antiochus 
then changed to the offensive, invading Egypt. 

' Liv. xliv. 19. * Dan. 11, 26. 

* Diod. XXX. 14 ; 18 ; Polyb. xxviii. 18. « Liv. xliv. 19. 

^ What position did Antiochus himself arrogate? Jerome (Dan. 11, 21 f.) 



At Alexandria the formal life of the court went on 
unbroken. Euergetes espoused, as a matter of course, the 
royal sister Cleopatra whom his brother had left behind.^ 
He entered upon his majority with the usual ceremonies 
{avaKXriTTipui)? Memphis was shut oflF from the larger world, 
and it was the king at Alexandria who was King Ptolemy 
to foreign states. The Achaean League sent an embassy to 
obtain from him a confirmation of the privileges accorded to 
its citizens (early simmier 169).' His patronage was solicited 
for the festivals in the various states of Greece. A second 
embassy from the Achaeans came in the matter of the 
Antigonea, and Athens sent no less than three for similar 

But it was certain that Antiochus would not leave 
Alexandria unmolested, and it must look to its defences. The 
administration was conducted for the young king by Comanus 
and Cineas. They formed a consultative board from the most 
distinguished officers in the Egyptian service. Campaigns 
were no longer to be conducted after the notions of eunuchs 
and clerks. It seemed also advisable to try what could be 
done by negotiation with the invader, and the happy thought 
occurred of using the services of the foreign ambassadors, who 
were certain to command the respect of the phil-Hellenic 
king. Antiochus had already sent on an envoy to state hia 
demands and was advancing on the city.^ 

The missions just mentioned from Athens and from the 
Achaeans were in Alexandria at the moment, and besides 
these there were envoys from Miletus and from Clazomenae. 
All these, accompanied by ambassadors from the Alexandrian 
court, took boat up the Nile to meet Antiochus. Their 

says that he had himself solemuly made king at Memphis witli the traditional 
Egyptian rites ('*ex more Aegypti regnum accipiens"), and we know that coins 
were struck in Egypt in his name (Uabelon, page o). On the other hand, in the 
narrative of Polybius he always poses as the champion of Ptolemy Philometor. 
Even the evidence of the coins is ambiguous, for it is remarkable, as Mr. Mahaffy 
points out, that although they bear his superscription, he seems to have avoided 
putting his image upon them {Empire of the Ptolemies^ p. 336). 

» Liv. xliv. 19. See Strack, Dymutie der PtoUm&er, p. 197. 

^ Polyb. xxviii. 12. In maintaining that the Ptolemy referred to must be 
Philometor, Niose {Kritik der Makk. p. 90) appears to me to beg the question. 

• Polyb. loe, cU, * iWrf. xxviii. 19. 


reception was gracious and magnificent On the second day 
after their arrival Antiochus gave them a polite hearing. He 
learnt that the Alexandrian court fully admitted that Egypt 
had been in the wrong in opening war, but the blame for that 
wrong lay with the party, now fallen, of Eulaeus and Lenaeus, 
and the voices of the Greek ambassadors appealed to Antiochus 
not to visit the transgressions of those wretched men upon his 
sister's son, one little more than a boy. It seemed from the 
King's response that the kindly emotions to which the 
ambassadors appealed needed no quickening; he more than 
assented to all they said. And then he dexterously shifted 
to the question of Coele-Syria, and went into the arguments 
on the Seleucid side with great convincingness. 

But the ambassadors were uncomfortably conscious that 
this was wide of their mission. The Coele-Syrian question 
no longer held the field ; that had been stopped by the defeat 
of Eulaeus; the Alexandrian court no longer justified the 
attack ; it was the Seleucid occupation of Egypt which was in 
question. Antiochus, in the best diplomatic manner, had given 
the envoys an elaborate answer which was no answer at alL 

The ambassadors remained in the company of Antiochus 
as he pursued his way down the river. At Naucratis, the 
old Greek city of Egypt, every citizen who could show his 
Hellenic nationality received a gold piece from Antiochus.^ 
And he still gave the ambassadors no real answer. He 
detained them till his own envoys to Alexandria, Aristides 
and Theris, should return ; he wished, he said, to take Hellas 
in the person of the ambassadors to witness as to the 
righteousness of his cause.^ 

The demand which Antiochuis had addressed to the 
Alexandrian court was, no doubt, the recognition of Philometor 
instead of Euergetes as king. Such a demand could only 

' It haH occurred to me that similar largesses in other places may account 
for the Egyptian coins which Antiochus struck in his own name, while apparently 
he professed to regard Ptolemy Philometor as the king. It is conceirable that 
he may have had a special sort of money made for his largesses or the payment 
of his troops which should by its superscription oommemorate the donor. All 
the existing coins are in bronze, but the Naucratites in receiving gold may have 
been specially favoured. 

' Polyb. xxvuL 20. 



meet with a refusaL Accordingly the great city had for the 
first time in its existence to experience the pains of a siege. 
Alexandria besieged ! It was an event which shook the 
whole commercial world. At Rhodes the tidings caused 
especial dismay. Not only mercantile considerations, but 
that growing dread of Bome which led the maritime republic 
to desire above all things concord between the Greek kings of 
the East, made the Bhodians forward to negotiate peace. 
They sent an embassy to Antiochus, and urged upon him 
their friendship with both belligerents, his own aflSnity with 
the Ptolemies, and the interest which both powers had in 
peace at such an hour as this. To all this Antiochus had a 
ready answer. Pea4Ui existed already between himself and the 
kiTig of Egypt ; nay, more, they were good friends and allies. 
Let the capital open its gates to the real king and he would 
have nothing further to say.^ 

The distress in that populous city, now that it was cut off 
from the interior, although its communications with the sea 
were still open, soon became acute. Of course it appealed to 
Rome. "Unwashed and unshaven, with olive branches in 
their hands, the ambassadors came before the Senate and flung 
themselves upon the ground ; and piteous as their appearance 
was, their words were more lamentable still.'* Within a little 
Antiochus would possess himself of all the riches of Egypt. 
An embassy — only let Rome send an embassy, and he would 
not refuse to go away.^ 

An embassy indeed was all that could be expected of 
Rome so long as the Macedonian war was on its hands. 
Whether the effect of an embassy at that moment was not 
rather overstated by the Alexandrian envoys may be a 
question. But suddenly Antiochus, after vainly attempting 
to take the city by storm, raised the siege and evacuated 
Egypt ! ^ The meaning of this abrupt move (dependent upon 

» Polyb. xxviii. 23. 

^ Liv. zliy. 19. Livy puts this plaintive mission in 168. This b admitted 
to be impossible, since bj then the reconciliation of Philometor and Euergetes 
had changed the face of things (Bandelin, De rebus inter jiegyptios et Homanos 
irUercederUibtUt Diss, inaus. Halis Saxonam, 1893). Either, then, the account 
of the mission must be altered in nearly all its particulars or the date changed. 
The latter is the less violent correction. ' Li v. xlv. 11. 


the secret history of the times or the impulses of a strange 
nature) is dark to us. It is easy to invent hypotheses. He 
had at any rate the satisfaction of leaving the kingdom in a 
state of civil war, Ptolemy Philometor reigning at Memphis 
in opposition to his brother at Alexandria. Antiochus also 
took the precaution of keeping the door unbolted against his 
return by leaving a strong garrison in Pelusium.^ 

Antiochus, when he returned to Syria in 169, was in a 
dififerent situation from that of the year before. He was 
covered with the glory of conquering the country which had 
exalted itself over his ancestors. He had burst the treasuries, 
which since the days when it repulsed Perdiccas and Antigonus 
the Ptolemaic house had gone on securely filling. He had come 
back laden with spoil. The Seleucid kingdom was in the \ 
giddy position of some one who, after living on the verge of 
bankruptcy, suddenly acquires a fortuna Moreover, Antiochus 
had changed the balance in the East, not only without the 
consent of Home, but against its liking. Even though Bome 
sent a special embassy to Antioch under Titus Numisius to 
make peace between Antiochus and the Alexandrian court, it 
returned, with fair words doubtless, but with nothing else.* 
Perseus in the deadly grapple conceived new hopes of his 
alliance. He sent a last appeal to the Seleucid from the 
Antigonid to intervene as mediator or ally before it was too 

But Antiochus still saw his advantage in honouring Bome V 
the more, that his actions ran contrary. Fifty talents of his 
new wealth would, he conceived, be not unprofitably spent in 
a " crown " to be presented to the Bomans. It was carried 
by the same ambassadors, Meleager, Heraclides and Sosiphanes, 

^ The aUiance of Antiochus with Ptolemy PhUometor seems to ha^e been 
embodied in an instrument drawn up by the historian Heraclides, nicknamed 
Lembos {F,ff,G, lii. p. 167 ; Susemihl, Oesch, d, griech. Lit, i. p. 501. 

^ Polyb. xxiz. 25. I take this embassy to have been sent before the recon- 
ciliation of Philometor and Euergetes, or before it was known in Rome, since 
Antiochus seems to have struck quickly after the reconciliation, and there would, 
therefore, hardly be time for the news of his reconciliation to reach Rome, for 
Numisius to reach Antioch, stay till he was convinced of the hopelessness of his 
mission, and then leaTe, and finally for the news of his failure to reach Achaea 
before the attack of Antiochus was delivered. 

« Polyb. xxix. 4, 9. 




who had gone the year before. They also carried a hundred 
talents more to bestow upon various Greek cities which they 
took on their way.^ 

But the triumph of Antiochus was soon crossed by dis- 
appointment. Ptolemy Philometor, as the rest of his life 
shows, was not apt for the part of puppet. He had been 
under no illusions as to the real purport of his uncle's friend- 
liness, and the suavity had been equally hollow on both sides. 
''And as for both these kings, their hearts shall be to do 
mischief, and they shall speak lies at one table." * The Seleucid 
garrison at Pelusium now made further doubt impossible. 
No sooner was Philometor left to himself than he sent an 
emissary into Alexandria to Cleopatra, his sister and but 
recently his wife, to feel after a reconciliation. It soon 
appeared that while the people who had called Euergetes to 
the throne would not desert him, they were willing to receive 
back Philometor as joint-king. Cleopatra reverted to the elder 
brother. On these terms Philometor re-entered Alexandria 
and the schism in the kingdom was at an end.^ 

At this unexpected break-down of his plans Antiochus 
was instantly strung for swift and deadly action. He was in 
an awkward position for retaining his hold on Egypt. He had 
proclaimed to the whole Greek world that his interference in 
Egypt had been solely in order to support the legitimate king. 
His letters to this effect were in the archives of numerous 
/ citie& But all that was now thrown to the winds. He flung 

his troops upon Cyprus, and in the spring of 168 led an army 
south to invade E^ypt a second time. Greek public opinion 
last year had justified him; in his present designs it was 
against him. Polybius regards the second invasion of Egypt 
as an instance of virtue breaking down under temptation.^ 

The attack of Antiochus was exactly what Ptolemy 
Philometor had expected when he reconciled himself with 
Euergetes. He had bestirred himself to meet it Envoys 
had come during the winter in the name of the two brother- 

^ Polyb. xxviii. 22. A story of doubtful source says that Antiochus also 
supplied the Romans with Indian elephants for the Macedonian war. Polyaen. 
It. 21 (20). 

• Dan. 11, 27. • Li?, xlv. 11 ; Polyb. xxix. 23. 

* Polyb. xxix. 26. 


kings to the Pelopouaesus to invite condottieri like Theodoridas 
of Sicyon to raise bands for the Ptolemaic servica They 
approached the Achaean League with a request for 1000 foot 
and 200 horse under the command of Lycortas and his son 
Polybius (the historian who tells the tale). Polybius warmly 
supported the appeal and carried the people, he assures us, 
with him, till the party who favoured inaction circumvented 
him by producing a letter — which they had forged — from 
Marcius, the consul commanding against Macedonia, wherein he 
requested the Achaeans to remain neutral and second the Boman 
efforts at mediation. Instead, therefore, of the troops asked for, 
only another useless embassy embarked for Alexandria.^ 

Nothing adequate seems to have been accomplished for 
the defence of Egypt when Antiochus early in 168 again 
marched south. At Bhinocolura, on the desert-road between 
Palestine and Egypt, he met the envoys of Ptolemy Philometor. 
With a careful correctness they thanked him in the name of 
their king for the support which had restored him to the 
throne of his fathers, and then proceeded to remonstrate 
against his warlike demonstrations, which had the less reason 
in that any desires he might express to the Alexandrian court 
would be considered in the friendliest spirit. The only answer 
of Antiochus was an ultimatum demanding the formal cession 
of Cyprus and Pelusium within a fixed time. 

The demands, we must allow, would not have been out- 
rageous had they been preferred before. After the unpro- 
voked aggression of Egypt, Antiochus had, when victorious, 
every right to exact guarantees for his kingdom's peace. 
Pelusium in Seleucid occupation would lock the door against 
an attack by land, whilst Cyprus would be the base for a 
naval attack on Syria. But in that case the demands 
should have been made before Antiochus concluded peace 
with Philometor. The official contention of the Seleucid 
court had been last year that Antiochus made peace with the 
king of Egypt at the time when Ptolemy fell into his hands, 
or, as the Seleucid version seems to have had it, sought refuge 
in the camp of his uncle. Antiochus had no longer emy right 
to raise fresh demands without a fresh offence. 

> Polyb. xxiz. 28 f. 








The time specified in the ultimatum expired, and Antiochus 
again advanced. Once more his armies crossed the Egyptian 
frontier, and, as on the former occasion, seem to have struck 
first for Memphis. The natives had come to hate the 
Macedonian dynasty, and an invader gathered adherents as 
he went. Then Antiochus turned north and slowly drew 
down upon Alexandria. 

But while the Seleucid king was moving among the 
ancient cities and luxuriant fields of the Delta, the last fight 
of the house of Antigonus was fought out. The battle of 
Pydna (22nd June 168) ended the struggle of Perseus and 
extinguished Macedonia as an independent state for ever. 
This entirely altered the situation; Rome was now free to 
act strongly in Egypt. Gaius Popillius Laenas, the chief of 
the embassy which had been sent out early in the year to 
induce Antiochus to retire, was awaiting inJDelos the issue of 
the Macedonian war when he received the news of Pydna. 
He immediately set sail for Egypt Antiochus had almost 
reached Alexandria; he had crossed the Canobic branch of 
the Nile at a place called Eleusis, and was encamped in the 
sandy region to the east of the city when the Boman mission 
arrived. The historic scene which followed was one which 
Boman pride never allowed to be forgotten. Antiochus was 
prepared to receive Popillius — whom he had known in Bome 
— with that easy familiarity which belonged to him. As 
soon as he saw the ambassadors approaching he greeted 
Popillius in a loud glad voice and held out his hand as to 
an old friend. But the Boman came on with a grim and 
stony irresponsiveness. He reached the King a little tablet 
which he carried in his hand, and curtly bade him first read 
that through. Antiochus looked at it ; it was a formal 
resolution of the Senate that King Antiochus should be 
required to evacuate I^pt. Then there sprang to his lips 
one of those diplomatic phrases which came so readily to him, 
something as to laying the matter before his Friends. But 
the Boman was determined he should not wriggle free. To 
the amazement of the courtiers, he drew with his walking- 
stick a circle in the sand all round the King: Yes or No 
before he stepped outside of it ! Such methods were certainly 



a new sort of diplomacy, and Antiochus collapsed. When he 
got his voice, it was to say that he would agree to anything. 
The next minute he found the Bomans shaking his hand and 
inquiring cheerfully how he did.^ 

Within a limited time prescribed by the ambassadors 
Antiochus withdrew completely from Egypt. " Groaning and 
in bitterness of heart " he retraced his way along the coast of 
Palestine.^ The '' ships of Kittim had come against him, and 
he was grieved and returned." ^ And meanwhile the Boman 
ambassadors proceeded to Cyprus, where the forces of Antiochus 
were carrying all before them. Ptolemy Macron, the governor 
of the island, had gone over to the Seleucid.* But the appear- 
ance of the Boman ambassadors changed all this. They did 
not leave the island till they had seen the last Seleucid 
soldier out of it. It was shown that Bome set as strict a 
limit to the Seleucid dominion on the side of the Ptolemaic 
realm as on that of Asia Minor. The humiliation of Eleusis 
was in a way worse than the humiliation of Magnesia. 

After inflicting it upon Antiochus the Senate may have 
apprehended that he would feel some soreness. Not in the 
least ! so they were assured by his ambassadors, who presently 
came to bring his congratulations on the victory over Perseua 
The satisfaction of pleasing the Senate was so great that no 
conquest seemed to Antiochus worth grasping at in comparison ; 
orders delivered him by Boman envoys were equivalent to 
divine commands. The Senate replied that he had done 

But if Antiochus had been robbed of the substance of 
triumph, he could still rejoice in its outward circumstance. 
In the following year (167) Lucius Aemilius Paullus, the 
conqueror of Macedonia, celebrated triumphal games at 
Amphipolis, to which the whole Greek world was invited. 

^ Polyb. xxix. 27 ; Liv. xlv. 12 ; Diod. xxxi. 2 ; Veil. Paterc. i. 10 ; App. 
Syr, 66 ; Just, xxxiv. 8, 1 f. ; Valer. Max. yi. 3. 

« Polyb. xxix. 27, 8. s Daniel 11, 80. 

* 2 Mace. 10, 13. He is apparently the Ptolemy of Megalopolis mentioned 
in Polyb. xviii. 55, 6, and xxrii. 13. He is not to be confused with the Ptolemy, 
son of Agesarchus, who goes on an important mission to Rome in 208 (Polyb. 
XV. 25, 13), and is mentioned, as well as Ptolemy of Megalopolis, in Polyb. xviii 55. 

» Liv. xlv. 13. 

VOL. II \* 



In this department Antiochus would not be bettered by a 
Roman. His envoys soon came in the track of those of 
Aemilius, bidding the Greeks to the great spectacle which a 
Greek king, the conqueror of Egypt, would display in Daphne, 
the paradise of Antioch. The invitation drew immense crowds 
from all shores of the eastern Mediterranean. 

The procession is described for us in some detail Its first 
part was a military display, men of many nations in all sorts 
of gorgeous armour, gold, silver, and wonderful embroideries, 
horses of the purest Nisaean breed with bridles and frontlets 
of gold, mailed Scythian cavalry, Indian elephants, gladiators. 
And then followed the civil procession — the epheboi of Antioch 
with golden crowns, a thousand oxen dressed for sacrifice, 
nearly three hundred sacred legations from the Greek cities, 
ivory tusks, statues of every conceivable god or demi-god gilt 
or in cloth of gold, allegorical figures, splendid vessels, painted 
women who flung perfumes from golden jugs or were carried 
in litters with golden feet. It was an astounding profusion 
of treasure. Dionysius, the secretary of state (i'7riaTo\oypd<f>o<:), 
was represented by a thousand slaves who bore silver vessels, 
none of which weighed less than a thousand drachmas. 

The festivities — games, gladiatorial shows, wild beast 
fights — went on for a month. The chief city fountain 
sometimes ran with wine.^ Choice unguents were served 
from golden jars to the people in the gymnasium without 
price. At the palace, couches were laid for a thousand or 
fifteen hundred guests. 

Antiochus was in his element. He outdid himself in 
indiscriminate familiarity. Functions which would naturally 
have been left to subordinates he insisted on performing 
himself — riding up and down the procession, shouting orders, 
standing at the palace door to usher in the guests, marshalling 
the attendants. He was up and down among the banqueters, 
sitting, standing, declaiming, drinking, or bandying jests with 
the professional mummers. The croMniing moment was one 
evening towards the end of a feast, when the company had 
begun to grow thin. The mummers brought in a swaddled 
figure and laid it upon the ground. Suddenly, at the notes of 

* Helioclorus, frag. 6, F,H.Q, iv. p. 426. 


the symph(mia, it started from its wrappings and the King 
stood there, naked. The next moment he whirled away in the 
fantastic dance of the buffoons. The banquet broke up in 

The festivities were hardly over and Antioch clear of the 
mob of revellers when the ominous face of the Soman envoy 
thrust itself upon the scene. Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus 
headed a mission which came, after all this blare of trumpets, 
to see what was really going on. They were on the watch 
for some sign of ill-will in the Seleucid King, some coolness in 
their entertainment But never had Antiochus been more 
genial and charming. He put his own palace at their disposal, 
he surrounded them with the state of kings. They returned 
declaring that it was incredible that this man could be cherishing 
any serious designs. There were few who could cover so deadly \ ^ 
a hate with such disarming manners.^ 

* Polyb. xxxi. 3 ; Diod. xxxi. 16. *** Polyb. xxxi. 5 ; 6, 7. 



While Some circumscribed the activity of Antiochus as a 
conqueror, he bad great scope left him as the radiant champion 
and patron of Hellenism, both within his own dominions and 
abroad. He sustained this character abroad by bestowing 
magnificent presents upon the old seats of Hellenism in Asia 
Minor and Greece, and by throwing open to their artists and 
craftsmen lucrative employment in Syria. We may question 
whether any principal city did not look on some new em- 
bellishment, a temple, an altar, a colonnade, which declared 
continually the glory and the munificence of King Antiochus. 
The beloved Athens was, of course, chosen for special honour. 
To the south-east of the Acropolis stood the noble beginnings 
of a temple of Zeus Olympius, which Pisistratus had planned 
some 360 years before and left unfinished. Antiochus under- 
took to replace it by a new and more splendid fane. On 
his commission the Boman architect Decimus Cossutius began 
the construction of a gigantic temple surrounded by a double 
colonnade of Corinthian pillars, not in stone, like those of 
Pisistratus, but in Pentelic marble — " one of the largest Greek 
temples in the world," whose remaining columns, standing in 
bare isolation, make even to-day a principal feature of Athens. 
But Antiochus also did not live to finish what he began. 
His temple too stood for 300 years incomplete, the marvel 
of the world, till it was finished and opened by the Emperor 
Hadrian (130 a.d.).^ Another conspicuous gift of Antiochus 

1 Polyb. xxvi. 1, 11; Liv. xli. 20; VelL Patero. i. 10; Paua. i. 18, 6 
Vitmv, iii. 2, 8 ; viL praef. 15, 17. See Frazer, Penuanias, vol. ii p. 178 f. 


in Athens was the gilt Gorgon's head upon a golden aegis, 
which flamed upon the southern wall of the Acropolis above 
the theatre.^ In Syria special privileges were conferred upon 
Athenian citizens.^ 

Of the gifts of Antiochus elsewhere the following are 
recorded ; at Delos, some statues about the altar ; ^ at Olympia, 
a curtain of Oriental embroidery ; * at Megalopolis, a wall (not 
completely carried out) about the city; at Tegea, a marble 
theatre (also not finished) ; at Cyzicus, golden plate for one of 
the tables in the public hall.^ 

Within his own dominions the activity of Antiochus in the 
cause of Hellenism could be more various. Besides lavishing 
his treasure upon the adornment of existing Greek cities, he 
could create new ones. He could also adjust the constitutions 
and forms of city life more closely to the Hellenic ideal 

The capital naturally received a great share of his attention. 
He added a new quarter, Epiphanea, which climbed the slopes 
of Mount Silpius behind the older Antioch, and included 
within its wall precipitous places and rushing torrents. This 
made Antioch to be a complex of four cities, a tetrapolis, each 
city being divided off from the rest by an inner wall, while 
one outer wall embraced the whole complex, scaling the steep 
sides of the mountain and spanning the ravines.® 

The theatre, whose remains can still be traced, was in this 
region. It had perhaps existed before the time of Antiochus 
Epiphanes, only without the city. Here too was the Senate- 
house, erected doubtless by Antiochus, and perhaps already 
adorned with the porticoes and pictures described by libanius.^ 
High up in the new city, near the " Citadel," which tradition 
asserted to be the site of the pre-historic Greek settlement,® 
Antiochus reared a temple of Jupiter Capitolinus — at once 
gratifying his passion for splendour and advancing his policy. 

1 Paufl. i. 21, 3 ; v. 12, 4. « 2 Maco. 9, 16. 

' Polyb. xxvi. 1, 11. Whether LiTy's Delon arts insignibua stataarumqne 
copia ornavit (xli. 20) ia more than a loose translation of Polybius may be 

^ Pans. V. 12, 4. It has been conjectured that this was the Veil from the 
Temple in Jerusalem which Antiochus carried away. ^ Liv. xli. 20. 

^ Strabo xvi. 760. See Miiller, AiUiquU, Antioch, p. 64 ; Forster, Jahrb. d, 
kaiserl deutach. archdol. InttUuts, xii. (1897), p. 117 f. 

7 araiunies (Reiske), vol. iv. pp. 1048, 1067. * See vol. i. p. 212. 


It was in keeping with his other sumptuous works, and had 
not only the usual gilt ceiling, hut the walls covered with 
plates of gold.^ 

There are evidences that of all the Greek deities it was 
Zeus Olympius who called forth the most enthusiasm in 
/ Antiochus. Not only was it for him that Antiochus built the 
vast temple in Athens, but this god now reappears upon the 
coins, where he had ceased to figure since the days of Seleucus 
I. At Daphne, in the temple of Apollo, there was an image 
of him which Antiochus set up.^ It was a close copy in 
form, material and size of the great chryselephantine work 
of Phidias at Olympia. The Nike, which it carried in its 
hand, was of gold.^ Daphne, of course, like Olympia, was a 
place for athletic contests; the stadion seems to have been 
close under the temple, and it would be as the dispenser of 
victory that Zeus would be worshipped. 

On the cliffs above the dty one can still trace the outlines 
of a sculptured colossal bust, feminine seemingly, with a mystic 
head-gear and lappets falling over the shoulders. This is the 
remains of a group of sculptures which was known as the 
CharonioTL According to Malalas,* it was made by Antiochus 
Epiphanes as a charm against pestilence.^ Nothing is left of 
any of the other works with which Antiochus embellished his 
capital — such as the statue of a man quelling a bull, which 
represented, according to the local tradition, Antiochus himself 
subduing the robber tribes of the Taurus.* 

^ liiy. xli. 20 ; Gran. Lioin. zxviii. It has occamd to me that the mysterious 
expression in Daniel 11, 38, the **god (or goddess) of fortresses^" may point to a 
worship of the goddess Roma in connexion with Jupiter — the goddess having, of 
course, as her emblem a mural craum. 

^ The origin of this image is not absolutely certain. Ammianus Marcellinus 
ascribes it to Antiochus Epiphanes, " rex ille iracundus el saoTUs " (xxii. IS, 1) ; 
so does Gran. Licin. (xxviii.) ; but Malalas (p. 307) to Diocletian. Babelon, on 
the other hand, thinks it was already put up by Seleucus Nicator, because Zeus 
Olympius is a regular tyx>e on his coins, and that it was only restored or replaced 
by Antiochus IV {Bois de Syrie^ p. xcv.). 

^ Just, xxxix. 2, 5. * Chron, p. 206. 

'^ Mr. Fi-azer {Pavsanias, ii. p. 229) conjectures that the golden Gorgon at 
Athens, put up by Antiochus, was "intended to serve as a charm against the 
evil eye." I do not know whether he has observed the curious confirmation 
offered by the Charoniou at Antioch, which is ascribed to the same Antiochus. 

* Libanius, Oral, (Reiske), i p. 311. 


Besides adding to the material splendours of Antioch, 
Antiochus gave its political institutions, in accordance with a 
plan which we shall see extended to other of the cities of 
the kingdom, a form which corresponded more nearly to the 
autonomy required by Hellenic theory. Now first do bronze 
coins appear, issued, not in the name of the King, but of 
Antioch-near-Daphne. Only the head of Antiochus appears 
as that of a patron-deity, invested with rays. It is significant 
that the Se7iate-hoi(se (l3ovXexrri]piov) vhis in the new city which 
owed its origin to him. It may be owing to him that the 
Athenian model was copied in Antioch. The people {hrjiio^) 
assembled in the theatre to pass decrees.^ Antiochus perhaps 
introduced the names of the Athenian months.^ Antioch even 
had a body of citizen cavalry, like the Athenian " knights." 
They rode in the procession at Daphne with crowns of gold 
and silver.^ 

The extension of the freedom of Antioch appears, it has 
just been said, as part of a general scheme by which Antiochus 
adjusted the staius of the cities of the kingdom. In many 
cases it involved the adoption by the city of the name of 
Antioch or Epiphanea. In Cilicia, Adana becomes Antioch- 
on-Sarus, and Tarsus Antioch- on -Cydnus, and both issue 
coins in their new name.^ Oeniandus became Epiphanea.^ 
Mopsu-hestia strikes with the head of Antiochus and the 
name of Seleucia-on-Pyramus ; ® Castabala with the head of 
Antiochus and the name Hieropolis.^ 

In Syria, not only the capital, but the other principal 

' Tac. Hiat. ii. 80. The decree of a city foand at Pergamos (Michel, No. 550) 
is ordiuarily thought to be a decree of Antioch. If so, its formulae closely 
resemble the Attic (Niese, KrUik d, Makk, p. 30). But I think that Holleauz 
is probably right in his suggestion that the city whence the decree issues is 
Athens, Bev. d. Andes Oreequea, xiii. (1900), p. 258 f. 

- Niese loe, eil, 

' Polyb. zxxi. 3. The 3000 iroXirticoi Imrtis probably included <' knights" 
from the other Greek cities of Syria. 

^ Babelon, p. ci., cii. 

^ Pliu. V. § 93 ; App. Mith, 96. Steph. Byz. mentions an Antioch fit 
Lydia, caUed after Antiochus Epiphanes. This is highly improbable, but it is 
not absolutely impossible, considering the relations of the Seleucid and Pergamene 
kingdoms, that Eumenet should have allowed the name to be taken by a city in 
compliment to his ally. 

^ Babelon, p. cTi. ^ Imhoof-Blumer, ZeUsch,/, Num, x. pp. 267, 286. 


cities now strike bronze— rSeleucia, Apamea, Laodicea-on-the- 
sea, Alexandria (mod. Alexandretta), Hieropolis, all in their 
own names, but with the radiate head of Antiochns and a 
type connected with Zeus upon the reverse.^ In all these cases 
the existing name was safe from change, but in other places 
new Antiochs and Epiphaneas appeared. The ancient Hamath 
in the Orontes valley (mod. Ham&t), the rival of Damascus 
in the time of David, became Epiphanea ; an Antioch and an 
Epiphanea are mentioned close together on the Euphrates.^ 
In the country conquered from Ptolemy by Antiochus III, 
Gradara bore for a time the names of Antioch and Seleucia.' 
In the same region there was an Antioch- near -Hippus. 
Ptolemais strikes bronze of a similar type to that already 
mentioned, calling itself Antioch-in-Ptolemais.* Lastly, Jeru- 
salem, when reconstructed as a Greek city, took rank among 
the Antioch& 

The coins (bronze) which the Phoenician cities and Ascalon 
strike with the radiate head of Antiochus differ from those 
before mentioned in having not only the image of the King, 
but the superscription BaaiXito^ 'Ai/rtoj^ot;. Does this corre- 
spond to any difference in their status, any imperfection in 
their Hellenic character ? The superscription of the city 
usually appears in addition to that of the King, sometimes in 
Greek — TvpUov, XiSavloDv, TpiirdkiT&v, AS (t.c. ^Aa/caktovi- 
T&v) — sometimes in Phoenician — " (Coin) of Gebal the Holy," 
•' Of Tyre, Mother of the Sidonians," " Of Sidon, Mother of 
Chamb (Carthage), Hippo, Cheth (Citium in Csrprus), Tyre," 
" Of Laodicea which is in Canaan." * 

In Mesopotamia the two chief cities strike bronze with 
the head of Antiochus. Nisibis had probably already the 
name of Antioch- in -Mygdonia. Even Edessa, where the 
Aramaean element was so strong, is now Antioch-on-Callirhoa® 

1 Babeloii, p. 81 f. « Plin. t. § 86. » Steph. Bjz. * Babelon, p. 79. 

' Babelon, p. 83 f. Some of the coins of Tripolis hare the head of Athena 
instead of the King's. This Laodicea is identified by Bouvier with Berytas {lUv. 
Numism. 1896, pp. 877-396) ; see also Clermont-Ganneau in lUv. Archiol. xxx. 
(1897), p. 301. 

^ Babelon, p. cii., ciii. We must be on our guard against supposing 
that the legend on many of these coins, ''Of the Antiochenes in" such 
and such a place, implies that a new colony was introduced by Antiochus 


But the Hellenism which Antiochus propagated went 
further than political forms, or even real political privileges. 
It extended to the sphere of social and private life, to the 
manner of thought and speech, to religious practice. "And 
king Antiochus wrote to his whole kingdom, that all should 
be one people, and that each should forsake his own laws." ^ 
Beneath the nfiuive phrase of the Hebrew writer there lies the 
truth that the transformation which he saw going on around 
him in the life of the Syrian peoples was forwarded by the 
active encouragement of the court. It worked in with a policy 
deliberately adopted by those that ruled. Imaginative and 
sentimental Hellenism was no doubt in part the motive which 
governed Antiochus, but there were considerations of policy as 
well. Some principle was needed to unite and fuse a realm 
whose weakness was that it had no national unity. And 
Antiochus, like Alexander, of whom indeed he often reminds 
us — an Alexander run wild — sees such a principle in a uniform 
culture, resting upon a system of Greek cities, and obliterating 
or softening the old differences of race and tradition. It was 
not exactly a new idea, but it no doubt revived with a new 
sort of splendour, it stood out more distinctly as an imposing 
ideal, in the glow and colour it took from the strange fire of 
Antiochus the Fourth. 

Perhaps we are in some danger of misconceiving this 
process of Hellenizing. We think of it chiefly in connexion 
with the peculiar case of the Jews, or with the opposition of 
" Oriental conservatism " to " Western ideas " in our own day, 
and are inclined to picture Antiochus as forcing at the point 
of the sword an alien civilization upon an unwilling people. 
Nothing could be further from the truth. There is no trace 
of opposition to Hellenism from the Orientals generally. " All 
the^nations agreed according to the word of the King." * The 
convefSioB..^ Hellenic cities was not something which the 
King compelled ancient communities to undergo, it was 

from outside, and that they formed a peculiar body of '* Autiochenes" in 
the city. The example of Jerusalem proves that this was not so. The whole 
citizen-body of a city called Antioch were Antiochenes ; according to the Greek 
idiom 'Ayrtoxets ol iv IlroXe/Mitdt means ''citizens of Antioch-in-Ptolemais." 
A new colony might or might not be introduced. 

1 1 Mace. 1, 41. « Ihid, 1, 42. 




something which he conceded as a favour.^ Envoys from 
such communities were seen about the court, petitioning that 
it might be allowed them " through the King's authority to 
set up a gymnasium and form a body of epheboi, and to register 
y the inhabitants of the city as Antiochenes." ^ There was 
enough force and attraction in Hellenism itself to render 
compulsion, had Antiochus contemplated it, superfluous. 

It must be taken into account that Hellenism, as understood 
by Antiochus and the Syrian cities, was not the Hellemsm of 
the great days of Greece. That had implied some sterner 
virtues — reverence for the ideal of Law, sacrifice for the ideal 
of the City, self-respect, honour, sobriety. Without these 
qualities perhaps Hellenic culture had never grown, but, 
once grown, it yielded certain products, certain political and 
religious forms, articulate ideas, intellectual methods, which 
might be imparted without the moral strength of the old 
Hellenic character. The reception of this easy Hellenism 
put no demand upon the will and offered gratifications to 
self-conceit. Between Hellenic religion and the religion of 
the heathen Syrians there was no incompatibility. The 
Phoenician had no objection to celebrating fourth-year festivals 
after the Greek manner, or to calling Melkarth Heracles when 
he spoke Greek, and the Seleucid court did not object to the 
ancient Phoenician script appearing on the same coin as the 
head of the deified Antiochua 
1/ The deified Antiochus ! For this later Hellenism could 

not only supply the kingdom with a uniform culture but with 
a common cult. And here again Antiochus did no more 
than accentuate what he inherited from his predecessors. The 
worship of the Macedonian kings in the Greek cities goes back, 
as we saw, to the time of Alexander.^ 

But undoubtedly Antiochus IV lays more stress upon his 
deity than former kings. His surname Theos Epiphanes declares 
him to be an effulgence in human form of the Divine, a god 

^ No doubt a Hellenic city eigoyed certain privileges, and a non-Hellenic 
community could not therefore constitute itself a Hellenic city without toyal 
authority. '^ 2 Mace. 4, 9. 

^ Documentary evidence of such a cult in Syiia before Antiochus Epiphanes 
is furnished by the inscription of Seleucia-in-Pieria, belonging to the reign of 
Seleucus IV {C.LQ. No. 4468). 



manifest in flesh. Now first the addition of Theos is put ir 
upon the money, and the head which appears on the new coinage 
of the cities is crowned with rays.^ There is even ground to i 
believe that Antiochus identified himself with the Supreme i 
Gk)d, with Zeus ; he sometimes adds to his surname the epithet | 
NUcejphoroSy which distinguished the Nike -bearing Zeus of 
Olympia.* It was no doubt in part his love of theatrical 
pomp, of what kindled the imagination, which made Antiochus , ^1 

"magnify himself above all gods,^" but he was also acting -^v-*^" J 
consistently with his great plan. It seemed natural to the 
ancients that every association — the family, the club, the city, 
the nation — should be bound together by some common worship, 
and when a number of conmiunities and peoples were brought 
under a single sceptre, the imorganized medley of religions 
presented a serious difficulty. Merely to Hellenize them 
superficially by identifying the various deities with this or that 
Greek god hardly met the case ; the Zeus of this place remained 
as dififerent from the Zeus of that place as when they had 
had no common name. Hellenic religion in itself was too 
unorganized to be a means of organization. 

But the God-King gave a fixed object of vxyrship among the v' 
chaos of local cvlts. His worship, regarded in one way, agreed 
with the rationalistic tendencies developed in later Hellenism ; 
while, on the other hand, if there were circles in which it was 
mingled with any real faith, it might so far supply the need 
which, now that the barriers of the old societies were done 
away, the world was feeling — the need of a God. And his 
worship corresponded with the actual facts, for if, as has been 
said, in antiquity "Church and State were one," and the 
monarchical state with no bond of union but the subjection 
to one man had to find its religious meeting -place, the 
identification of God and King was not far to seek. 

^ I doubt whether it is more than an accidental coincidence that according 
to the Iranian idea a halo of light (qareno) was supposed to distinguish the 
true-bom king (Spiegel, Eran, AUertums, ii. p. 44). 

^ I have argued for this identification in the Journal of Hellenic SttidieSf xx, 
(1900), p. 26 f. It is i>erhaps worth remarking that Joseph ben Gorion represents 
Antiochus as setting up images of himself in the seyeral lands as objects of * 
worship (Wellhausen, Der araJbische Joaipjnu, p. 18). But, of course, a fctatement 
from that quarter has very little historical value. ' Daniel 11, 87. 



Nor do we hear of any opposition to this worship on the 
part of the peoples of Syria generally. Had their national 
worships heen suppressed hy it, there might have been trouble, 
but their gods were not jealous gods, and tolerated the new 
deity in their midst quite comfortably. One may see on a 
coin of Byblos, the " holy G^bal," its ancient Oriental deity, 
with his six wings and branching head-dress, on one side, and 
on the other side Antiochus with his crown of rays.^ Even 

I the Samaritans, if the letter in their name is genuine, addressed 
him as the Manifest God.^ 

That a point of union was consciously sought in this 
worship the new coinage of the cities immediately suggests, 
struck in different places from Adana to Ascalou, but all with 
the same glorified head. And the uniformity extends beyond 
the King's head. Nearly all have for their reverse type a form 
I of Zeus.* But if Antiochus identified himself with Zeus, this 
' further uniformity receives a clear explanation. The identifica- 
tion, again, with Zeus, over and above the abstract claim to 
deity, may have had some motive in policy. We find in 
Egypt that the Ptolemies turned their deity to profitable 
account by diverting religious revenues from the temples to 
their own treasury.* And although the case of Egypt, where 
the deification of kings was traditional and taken seriously, 
differs from the case of Hellenistic cities, we may still suspect 
that the identification of the King with Zeus in Syria gave 
him a pretext for appropriating the funds of the temples. 
And that this was so is borne out by what we are told of the 
actual dealings of Antiochus. He identified the God of the 
/ Jews with Zeus Olympius * and he took the treasures of the 
Temple.® At Hieropolis, where the deity was feminine, but 
identified with Hera,^ he claimed the temple treasures as his 

1 BabeloD, p. 85, No. 671. 

' Joseph. Artk, xiL § 258. Niese defends the genoineness, Kritik d. Afakk, 
p. 107. 

' Antioch, Hieropolis, Seleucia and Alexandria have a common form of Zeus, 
which Babelon holds to be that of an image put up by Antiochus in Antioch, 
copied from the Zeus Stratios of Nicomedia, Babelon, p. czii. Here again is 
something which may be a due to the D'ly^ irtV^ of Daniel. 

^ Qrenfell and Mahaffy, Revenue Laws, p. 119. * 2 Maoo. 6, 2. 

< 1 Mace. 1, 21 f.; 2 Mace. 5, 15 f. 7 Lucian, De Syria Deo. 


wife's dowry.^ His spendthrift magnificence drove him to 
perpetual necessity, and before the end of his reign he had 
laid hands on the riches of nearly all the temples in Syria.^ 

The regeneration of what remained of the Seleucid Empire 
by means of Hellenism was perhaps joined in the thought of 
Antiochus Epiphanes with the restoration of it to something 
of its former extent He knew himself not strong enough, 
as he was, to break with Bome, but in the north and east the 
field was held only by native powers, and, once conqueror \/ 
of the East, he might face the western situation with quite 
another countenance. Where Eome forbad him he would 
not yet intrude, but in Asia Minor at any rate he disap- 
pointed Some of its advantage by his alliance with the ruling 

In Cappadocia his sister Antiochis was queen, and seems 
to have had her mild husband, Ariarathes IV Eusebes, com- 
pletely in her hands. It was afterwards said (with what truth 
we cannot judge) that the two elder sons, with whom she 
presented him, Ariarathes and Orophernes, were suppositious ; 
it was at any rate the youngest, called at first Mithridates, 
upon whom his parents fixed their affections. The two elder 
were sent to be educated away from Cappadocia, Ariarathes 
at Eome, and Orophernes in Ionia. Mithridates was designated 
for the throne.' Perhaps it was already during the life of 
Antiochus Epiphanes that Antiochis came with one of her 
daughters to Syria. Whether it was merely on a visit to her 
brother that she came, or to reside in her old home, we do not 
gather. But that she died in Antioch we may infer from the 
fact that her bones were there in 163.* 

In Armenia, it will be remembered, Artaxias in the , 
northern country, and Zariadris in Sophene, had declared 
themselves independent kings after Magnesia. Later on their 
example had been followed in a region as near to the capital 
as Commagene, whose governor, Ptolemy, renounced his 
allegiance to the Seleucid court, and tried to wrest from 

^ Gran. Licin. xx?iii. In this paasage the goddess is called ZHono. 

' Polyb. xxxL 4. 
» Diod. xxxi. 19, 7 f. * Polyb. xxxi 17, 2. 





Cappadocia the district of Melitene across the Euphrates. In 
this he was foiled by Ariarathes Eusebes.^ 

In the summer of 166 or 165^ Antiochus marched out 
from Antioch at the head of an army for the reconquest of 
^ the North and East. He left behind him his child Antiochus 
Eupator, who had been associated in the throne since 170, 
and Lysias to be guardian and regent. He was propelled 
not only by the desire of glory, but by the urgent necessity 
of money, since neither the savings of Seleucus Philopator, nor 
the spoils of Egypt, nor the treasures of the Syrian temples 
J had been able to meet his reckless expenditure, and it was 
no longer possible to do without the tribute from the revolted 

His first attack seems to have fallen upon Armenia. It 
was a brilliant success. The defence of Artaxias collapsed. 
But Antiochus, in accordance with the policy of his father in 
this region, did not remove him. He contented himself with 
the acknowledgment of fealty, and, still more important no 
doubt, the payment of tribute.* 
/ From Armenia Antiochus moved to Ir^ But in doing 

so he moves, as Seleucus Nicator and Antiochus III did, out 
of our field of vision. 

The most serious part of his task would be to try con- 
clusions with the house of Arsaces, now represented by the 
able Mithridates I (Arsaces VI, 17 1-1 38 ).« Ahready his father 
Phriapatius or his brother Phraates had torn from Media the 
northern region about Bhagae before his accession;^ the southern 
Media with Ecbatana still obeyed the Milesian Timarchus 
who ruled the eastern provinces for King Antiochus. There 
were also other princes of lesser power with whom Antiochus 
would have to reckon, such as the king of Lesser Media 
(Atropatene), or the ruler of Persis, not to speak of the petty 
chiefs of the hills. Persis had probably already broken away 
under a native dynasty on whose coins are emblems of the 

» Died. xxxi. 19*. a 1 Mace. 3, 37. 

» Polyb. xxxi. 11, 1 ; 1 Mace. 3, 28 f. 

* App. Syr. 46 ; Diod. xxxi. 17^ 

* The operations of Antiochus in the east are described by Tacitus, Uidi. v. 
8, as " Parthorum belluni." 

^ Just. xli. 5, 9 ; Isidor. 7. 


Zoroastrian religion and the title "Lord of lords." ^ Their 
forces even set foot on the opposite Arabian coast, and 
were engaged there by Numenius, the Seleucid satrap of 

The attempt of Antiochus Epiphanes to reconquer the / 
East was one of several attempts made by the house of 
Seleucus in the last century of its rule. And it is important 
to realize once for all the existence of the element there which 
gravitated towards union and gave the Seleucid kings an 
immense advantage — if they were able to use it. In the 
provinces which passed under barbarian rule the Greek cities 
planted by Alexander, Seleucus and Antiochus Soter continued 
to exist ; yes, and to form, we may be sure, the centres of the 
life, the commerce and the energy of the lands in which they 
were. But the barbarian yoke only made them more passion- 
ately Hellenic ; they turned with a sort of national sentiment 
to the house of Seleucus, the mightiest and most glorious 
representative of Hellenic supremacy in the East We have 
seen that at the time of Antiochus Ill's invasion of Hyrcania 
his adversaries had thought it necessary to put the Greek 
population of Sirynca to the sword. But the Arsadd kings 
were too shrewd to think of exterminating the Greeks; they 
tried hard to conciliate them. To what extent Hellenism 
had penetrated the Parthian court at this time we do not 
know, but it is obvious that the Arsacids were fain to present 
themselves to their Greek subjects as sympathetic protectors. 
The money of the kingdom was stamped exclusively with 
Greek legends, and from the time of Mithridates I they 
commonly added to their other surnames that of" Phil-Hellene." ' 
But they were unable to make the Greeks overlook the differ- 
ence between a barbarian and a western dynasty ; the cities 
of the Parthian kingdom were always ready to make common 
cause with a Seleucid, and later on with a Boman, invader. 

* Head, Hist. Num. p. 696 ; cf. Strabo xt. 736. 

^ Plin. vi. § 152. He is "ab Antiocho rege Mesenae propositus," and 
GuUchmid uoderstands Antiochus IV, Irdn, p. 40. 

' If tbe arrangement of Professor P. Gardner be maintained, one should say 
from the timo of Phriapatius. But the coins with *' Phil-Hellene,*' which, 
according to Professor Gardner's system, are earlier than Mithridates, are put by 
Mr. Wroth later {Num, Chron, third aeries, vol. xx. p. 181 f.). 



This condition of things was a conspicuous justification of the 
colonizing policy of Alexander and his successors. It made 
the reconquest of the East hy Oriental dynasties enormously 
more difficult and slow, and with a stronger Hellenic power 
than the later Seleucid, or a nearer than Bome,^ might have 
saved Western Asia for Hellenism. 

Bearing aU this in mind, we see that an important part of 
the task of Antiochus Epiphanes in the East would he the 
strengthening of the Greek cities. And in fact there are 
indications that he did not neglect it. Ecbatana exchanged 
even its old and famous name for Epiphanea, perhaps on 
receiving a new Greek colony.* The Alexandria on the lagoon 
between the Tigris and Eulaeus, which had been destroyed by 
floods (" an indication that the canal-system of Babylonia had 
been allowed again to fall out of repair ") ^ he restored as an 
Antioch.^ Antiochus also resumed the work of Alexander in 
having a survey made of the coast westward from this Antioch,* 
and it was not improbably in accomplishing this that 
Numenius, the satrap of Mesene, came into collision with the 

In contrast with measures which have every appearance of 
wise policy is the fresh attempt of Antiochus to get the 
treasures which were heaped up in the Elymaean temples into 
his hands. He tried to break into a temple of some native 
goddess, Istar or Anaitis, and fared so far better than his 
father that he escaped with his life. Against a people filled 
with religious frenzy the royal mercenaries could not make 
head. The same thing was appearing, as we shall shortly 
see, in other fields.^ 

It was soon after this repulse, in the midst of his hopes 

^ Rome, of course, counts as a Hellenic power in relation to the East 

" Steph. Byz. 'Aypdraya. ' Qutschmid, Irdn, p. 41. 

* Plin. vi. § 188. » Ibid, § 147. 

^ Polyb. xxxi. 11 ; App. Syr. 66 ; 1 Maco. 6, 1-4 ; 2 Mace 9, 1 f. The 
passage in 2 Mace. 1, 12 f. is ordinarily taken as referring to Antiochus lY ; 
Niese {KrUik d. Makk. p. 19) refers it to Antiochus YII (Sidetes). It must be 
admitted that it would exceed all bounds of probability that the same event 
should be actually repeated a third time, and it certainly compels us to suppose an 
astonishing lack of imagination in those who clothed the end of Antiochus YII 
with circumstances which already belonged to the ends of Antiochus III and 
Antiochus lY. 


and projects, that Antiochus Epiphanes was seized by a fatal 
malady — epilepsy, perhaps, or something which aflfected 
the brain.^ He died at Tabae in Persis in the winter of / 

^ Polyb. gives it as a report that he was snpematurally deranged {daifiotr^as), 
and the story in 2 Mace. 8, 7, that he fell out his chariot may be true, as it does 
not fit in naturally with the sensational description of his disease as a corruption 
of the flesh. If the story is true, it would point to epilepsy. One cannot help 
thinking that there was a vein of madness in Antiochus IV all through his 

^ Niese, Kritik d. MaJck, p. 78 f. A curious detail is added in one source — 
whether historical may be questioned. ' ' Corpus eius cum Antiochiam portaretur, 
ezterritis subito iumentis in fluvium abreptum non comparuit," Gran. Licin. 



We have followed the career of the fourth Antiochus apart 
from that special appearance which he makes in the history 
of Israel, and with which his name is pre-eminently associated 
in the ordinary thought of Christendom. It seemed that we 
should in this way hest gain an independent point of view 
from which to consider that episode — an insignificant one 
in his life, it must have appeared to himself, incomparably the 
most momentous we see it to be, in its effect on the destinies 
of man. 

There are few gaps in history which we can so ill put up 
with as that which comes in the history of Israel between 
the time of Ezra and Nehemiah and the time of Judas 
Maccabaeus. It is an almost unrelieved blank. To fill it in, 
Jewish writers, after the Maccabaean epoch, had nothing but 
the fables they spun out of their imagination. They knew 
no more about it than we do to-day. And yet it was a 
period of great importance in the history of Israel, if not rich 
in political events, yet a period in which much germinated 
and much took shape, institutions, beliefs, characteristics, 
which made the later Jew what he was, and thereby are of 
eternal interest for those peoples who owe it to the Jew that 
they are what they are. It is a period which, although dark 
for us, is not altogether dumb, for in the Old Testament there 
are perliaps many voices which come to us from it, psalms 
familiar to our lips, cries out of unknown hearts in unknown 
troubles and conditions, voices out of the darkness. 

Nehemiah left a little community gathered about the 



Temple of Jehovah in the restored Jerusalem, and there we 
still find the community ahout the Temple, with the High- 
priest for its chief ruler, 260 years later, under a Seleucid 
king. The country round Jerusalem was inhabited and tilled 
by Jews to a radius of some ten to fifteen miles.^ The 
Jewish state had been involved in the struggle of Seleucid 
and Ptolemy for Coele-Syria. Jerusalem had been taken by 
Ptolemy I on the Sabbath day and dismantled.* After Ipsus 
the High-priest had paid tribute regularly to the house of 
Ptolemy.* It was no doubt because the Jews hated the yoke 
which they were actually bearing that they inclined to the 
Seleucid cause in the war between Antiochus III and Ptolemy 
Epiphanes. They were subjugated by Scopas for King Ptolemy 
in 199-198, and a Ptolemaic garrison lodged in Jerusalem. 
After the battle of the Panion they declared for Antiochus, just 
when Graza, found naturally on the opposite side to Jerusalem, 
lield out to the last for Ptolemy. Antiochus, relieving them 
of the garrison, appeared in the light of a deliverer.* 

The administrative system which had obtained in Coele- 
Syria under the Ptolemies seems to have continued under 
the Seleucids. The province was still under a single strategos ; ^ 
it included (whether regularly or only occasionally is 
not clear) Phoenicia as well.® In an inscription the strategos 
of Coele-Syria and Phoenicia is also high-priest — that is, he 
presides over the provincial worship of the King.^ 

Under the eye of Greek and Macedonian officers the old 
cities of the land, Canaanite, Phoenician, Philistine, had taken 
on the aspect and the ways of Greek cities, and had in many 
cases actually received large bodies of European settlers. 

^ On the north, Lydda, Ramathaim (mod. Bait Rima ?), and Aphaerema (five 
miles north-east of Bethel) were outside the Jewish territory; on the west, 
Gazara ; on the south, the frontier was about Beth-sur. 

« Agatharch. frag. 19 (F,H,0. iii. p. 196) ; App. Syr. 60. 

' The statement that the Jews paid 300 talents annually to Seleucus I (Sulpic. 
Sever. Hist Sae, ii. 17, 4) is not supported by any good authority. 

* Polyb. xvi 39. See Appendix £. 

^ Under the Ptolemies some one is described as 6 TerayfUva iwi KolXris 
^vplat (Polyb. v. 40, 1), and the title straiegoe is given in Polyb. v. 87, 6. 

^ KofXrp 2vp(af «coU ^oivLktis arparriybi irpiSiTapxof, 2 Mace. 10, 11. See 
Appendix attached to next note. 

^ See vol. L p. 177 and Appendix F. 


Samaria, for instance, in the middle of the land, was Greek 
and pagan, having been already colonized with Macedonians 
by Alexander in 331. Only the country villages were 
inhabited by "Samaritans," with their religious centre on 
Mount Grerizim. 

And while the world was changing all round the little 
Jewish state, what action and reaction went on between the 
Jews and the other peoples under Macedonian government ? 
There are few questions in history it would be more important 
to have answered, and there are few to which there is less 
chance of getting any answer, except a very doubtful one. 
The question practically resolves itself into two, (1) to what 
extent had the Diaspora come to exist before Maccabaean 
times — that is, was there any general dispersion of the Jews 
among the nations ? (2) to what extent had the Jews, in 
Judaea or out of it, been afifected by contact with Hellenism ? 

The dispersion of the Jews, whenever it came to pass, 
was a circumstance of immense moment to Judaism, because 
through these scattered members, influences from every quarter 
reached the main body. The Jews, for instance, who absorbed 
Hellenism abroad, would be the most potent conductors of it 
to their brethren in Judaea. But it would also be a circum- 
stance of great moment to the world at large. The existence 
of a commimity everywhere, dififused yet never losing contact 
between its several parts, would be an important factor in the 
problem which vexed the Macedonian kings— how to bind 
together a heterogeneous empire. The influence, again, of a 
Jewish Dispersion in the sphere of religion would be a not 
negligible force in the inner life of the times ; its power 
later on was enormous till it was transmitted to the Christians 
and all the nations flowed to Zion. A figure of capital 
significance in the history of antiquity, Mr. Hogarth is fond of 
telling us, is the Hellenized Jew. That we should confess 
ourselves unable to say how far he existed at all before the 
Maccabaean age is to confess how very ignorant we really are 
of the life of those times, of anything outside the dynastic 
game of kings. 

The admitted evidence bearing on a Jewish Dispersion is, 
I think, as follows : — 


1. Communities of other Orientals — Phoenicians and 
Egyptians — are proved in the great Greek trading centres, 
Athens and Delos, before the time of the Maccabees; in 
Athens as early as the fourth century b.c.^ 

2. Clearchus of Soli, a disciple of Aristotle, introduced in 
one of his dialogues a " Jew from Ccele-Syria, Hellenic not in 
speech only, but in mind," representing him as having come 
in his travels to Asia Minor, and there conversed with 
Aristotle.^ There is, of course, no reason to suppose any greater 
foundation of fact to the dialogue than underlies the dialogues 
of Plato. But that Clearchus should introduce, even as an 
imaginary character, a Hellenized Jew in Asia is noteworthy. 

3. There were large numbers of Jews who did not take 
part in the Betum, and whose descendants continued to form 
a Jewish population in Babylonia. 

4. In Syria, in the days of Judas Maccabaeus, there were 
bodies of Jews settled in Galilee (then, of course, pagan) and 
east of the Jordan, but small enough to be capable of being 
transported en masse to Judaea. 

5. In Egjrpt the papyri prove the presence of Jews and 
Samaritans under the earlier Ptolemies in sufficient numbers 
for villages predominantly Jewish or Samaritan to exist^ 

It will be seen that the evidence of admitted genuineness 
does not take us very far. And accordingly it is the view of 
some scholars that there was practically no Dispersion before 
the Maccabaean age. On the other hand, if we accept the state- 
ments of later Jewish writers, we must form a very different 
picture of the condition of things. Masses of Jews, including 
the High -priest himself, were transported to Egypt by 
Ptolemy I.* In Alexandria the Jews were given full citizen- 
rights by Alexander.^ In the new cities which sprang up 
in Syria and Asia Minor under Seleucus I a colony of Jews 
was regularly found who were given equal rights with the 
other citizens.^ At Antioch in particular Seleucus is said to 
have given them the full citizenship, and in Asia Minor, 

^ Schiirer iii. p. 56 f. ' JoMph. Con, Ap, i. § 176. 

' The references are given in SchUrer iii. pp. 28, 24 ; BQchler, Tohiaden und 
Oniaden, p. 218. 

* Pseudo-Hecataens ap. Joseph. Con. Ap, § 187 f. 

<» Joseph. Con. Ap. ii 9 86 ; Bell. ii. § 487. ^ Joseph* Arch. xyu\\V^. 


''Ephesus and the rest of Ionia" is mentioned as a region 
where the Jews had been put on a level with the native 
Greeks by "the Successors."* Antiochus III ordered 2000 
Jewish families to be transported from Mesopotamia and 
Babylonia into Lydia and Plirygia.* 

It will be seen how much turns upon the view taken of 
these statements of Josephus and the documents he adduces 
to support them. As it appears to me the state of the case 
is this. On the one hand there is nothing impossible in the 
statements themselves ; in fact, supposing the Diaspora existed, 
we can very well see how policy might lead Alexander and his 
successors to make a great point of securing the loyalty of the 
Jews. On the other hand, the statements are made in an age 
of prolific forgery among the Jews, of reckless mendacity as 
to their past. And not only so, but the romances put forth 
as history and the forged documents have largely for their 
object this very thing, to persuade the heathen how specially 
favoured the Jews had been by the great kings of former 
days.^ In a word, the evidence for the Diaspora is very bad, 
but there is no real evidence against it. Under such 
circumstances what is left us but to admit our ignorance ? * 

To the first part of our question, that concerning a pre- 

Maccabaean Diaspora, we have not got a very satisfactory 

.answer; in coming to the second part, how far the Jews 

had admitted Hellenic influence, we again stumble into 


^ Joseph. Cm. Ap, it § 89. « Ibid. Arch, xii. § 148 f. 

' E.g. the Rescript of Cyrus (Joseph. Arch. xi. § 12 f.), the romance of 
Alexander and Jaddua {ibid. § 306 f.), the Pseudo-Aristeas. 

^ Of the view whioli accepts the statements of Josephus in their entirety the 
chief representatives are Schiirer and Ramsay ; of the other view, H. Willrich 
in Judtn und Oriechen (1895) and Judalea (1900). The rescripts of Antiochus 
III are discussed in Biichler, Tobiaden und Oniaden (1899), p. 143 f. His 
decision is against their genuineness. Niese (ii. p. 579) speaks of their genuine- 
ness as *' strongly suspicious." See also Schlatter, Jason von Kyrene (1891). 

' The controversy turns mainly upon the questions as to the historical basis 
underlying the story of the Tobiad Joseph, the Aristeas legend of the origin 
of the Septuagint, and the personalities of Aristobulus (2 Mace. 1, 10) 
and Eupolemus. The works already cited (Schiirer, Willrich, Schlatter, 
Bachler), and Wellhausen Ivr. -jud. Geschichte^ Srd edition, furnish the literature 
of the controversy. The reality of Eupolemus' mission to Rome is maintained 
bjr meae (KrUik d. Makk. p. 88). 


Without losing ourselves in their mazes we may, I think, 
arrive at some more or less shadowy facts. The Jews before 
the Exile, as we know from the prophets, had shown no want 
of readiness to assimilate themselves to the nations round 
about them. Under the Exile the work of the prophets bore 
fruit in the formation of a stricter and more disciplined Judaism, 
which saved the people of Jehovah from being merged in the 
heathen among whom they dwelt. But even so there were 
lapses from the ideal of complete separation. In the com- 
munity at Jerusalem at the end of the fifth century B.C. Ezra 
and Nehemiah had once more to repel the encroachments of 
the heathen environment and make the fence of the Law yet 
more strong. And their labour was not lost. The little 
people dwelt separate in their hill country and, while wars 
rolled past them and kingdoms clashed and changed, nursed 
the sacred fire and meditated on the Law of the Lord. Strange 
among the nations, a people apart, bound in all their practice 
by a mysterious rule, they were taken by Greek writers of the 
fourth century not so much for a nation or a p<ditical organism 
as a sect of '' philosophers," who stood to the other Syrians as 
the Brahmins did to the other Indians— in fact, they were no 
doubt an ofifshoot of the Brahmins.^ Then in 332 the Jews 
came under the political supremacy of the Greeks. 

Hellenic rule, as we have seen, penetrated far deeper than 
the old superficial Babylonian and Persian Empires. Hellenism 
was a force which partly by a deliberate policy, partly by its 
inherent power, changed the East as nothing had changed it 
before. The fourth kingdom "shall be diverse from all the 
kingdoms, and shall devour the whole earth, and shall thresh 
it and break it in pieces." ^ If the Jews had hardened them- 
selves in a more rigid exclusiveness than in their early days, 
they had on the other hand never been exposed to so over- 
powering an ordeaL 

That the temptation to conform with the fashion of the 
world should not have been felt in Judaea is impossible. The 
new stateliness of the Hellenized cities, the magnificence of 
Alexandria and Antioch would beset the peculiar people with 

^ ClearchoB ap. Joseph, i. Con. Ap. § 179 ; Mcgasthenes, frag. 41 {F.ff.G, 
i. p. 437). » Daniel 7, 28. 



the lust of the eyes and the pride of life. The temptation 
would, of course, appeal to the rich, to the dwellers in 
Jerusalem, rather than to the poor and the countryside. 
And if we can say anything of the history of the Jews in the 
days when Antiochus IV came to reign in Syria, it is that a 
part of the Jerusalem aristocracy were ready enough to make 
Mends with the rulers of the world. One family above all 
was marked out by its riches and its worldly propensities — 
the house of Tobiah.^ 

It is a cardinal fact to be grasped in estimating the policy 
of Antiochus Epiphanes that the initiative in the Hellenizing 
of Jerusalem was not on the side of the Eing, but of the Jews 
themselves. Soon after the accession of Antiochus a deputation 
of principal men of the Jews came to the court begging for 
leave to convert Jerusalem into an Antioch and erect that 
essenti£kl mark of a Hellenic city, the gynmasium.^ There was 
of course a party among the Jews vehemently opposed to the 
innovations, and the conflict of principles was complicated, as 
usually happens, with a conflict of persons. Onias, who had 
been High-priest in the reign of Seleucus IV, seems to have 
been looked to as their leader by the party faithful to the old 
way. He was no longer in Jerusalem when Antiochus took 
the diadem. The broils which had distracted the Holy City 
during the preceding reign had driven him to withdraw to 
the Seleucid court to represent his cause personally to the 
King. Antiochus on his accession replaced Onias by his 
brother Jesus. The reason is alleged to have been that Jesus 

^ For the oontroversies as to the pre-Maccahaean history and the part played 
in it by the house of Tobiah I must refer to the German works already named. 
The passages upon which all our knowledge of the house of Tobiah rests are 
2 Mice. 3, 11 ; Joseph. Arch. xii. § 160 f. ; 239 f. ; Bell i. § 31 f. 

' 1 Mace. 1, 11 f. ; 2 Maoc. 4, 7 f. On this cardinal point the two books of 
the Maccabees are at one. In what follows, 2 Mace, is our only authority, 
except the cursory statements of Joseph. Bell, i. § 31 f. ; Arch. xiL § 237 f. 
The two statements of Josephus differ from each other and both from 2 Mace. ; 
hence infinite scope for conjecture and reconstruction. The Second Book of 
Maccabees has, of course, recently experienced a great turn of fortune. After 
sinking to the very lowest opprobrium, so that even when one was obliged to 
draw from it, one did so with a contemptuous reference, it has lately found no 
less a champion than Niese {Kritik der beiden Makkdbderbikher^ 1900), and will 
be gi^en the place of honour in the next volume of his Geschichte der griechiaehen 
und makedoniacJien Staaten. It is an edifying disturbance of ' ' accepted opinion. " 


undertook to pay a larger tribute. This is likely enough. 
The Seleucid court would concern itself little with the internal 
affairs of Judaea^ and consider mainly who would rule there 
on the terms most favourable to the royal cofifers. It is the 
ordinary principle of the Oriental court. 

The new High-priest threw himself into the Hellenizing 
movement. He had transformed his Hebrew name Jesus 
(Yeshua') into the Greek Jason. It was he who obtained 
the King's leave to make Jerusalem an Hellenic city. The 
conservative party were overborne by the torrent. The 
gymnasium was built and soon thronged with young priests, 
pursuing the Hellenic ideal of bodily strength and beauty. The 
Greek hat, the petasos, was seen about the streets of Jerus£klem. 
Everything must have seemed to Antiochus happily arranged. 
He himself visited the new Antioch-Hierosolyma, and was 
" magnificently received by Jason and the city, brought in 
with torches and shoutings." 

But there were some who looked with grief and horror at 
the transformation. Those who were zealous for the tradition 
of the fathers, who regarded all yielding to foreign influence 
as apostasy from the Lord, had drawn together as a band 
resolutely set against the prevailing current. They were 
known as the Hasidim, the Pious or Godly Ones, who refused 
to stand in the way of sinners, and meditated day and night 
in the Law. But now the ground seemed giving way under 
their feet. Wealth, influence, political power, perhaps numbers, 
were against them. ** Help, Lord, for the godly man (hasid) 
ceaseth ; the faithful fail from among the children of men." ^ 

It is a moment of profound significance for all future time 
— this first trial of strength between the religion of Israel and 
Hellenic culture. The principles engaged are so vast that our 
sympathies to-day, when we consider that first moment of 
conflict, cannot be determined by mere historical criticism. 
The conflict is still with us, in modem society, in our own 
minds. Our estimate of the conduct of the Hellenizers, of 
the Hasidim, must be determined by our belief as to the 
value of that for which either party stood; and there belief 
depends ^pon our attitude to the world and to life, as a whole. 

1 Psalm 12, 1. 









But the historian raay raise at any rate this inquiry — whether 
that part of Jewish belief and practice which, as being of 
absolute value, is maintained in combination with Hellenism 
by Christian Europe was assailed by the innovations of Jason. 
Did the Hellenizers, for instance, forsake Monotheism or 
introduce the immoralities of the heathen ? The question, of 
course, with our very imperfect records can only be very 
doubtfully answered. Jason himself was evidently a man of 
low ambition, and the moral tone of the new eph-eboi may, for 
all we know, have justified the evil names fixed upon them by 
the Hasidtm. It is, however, remarkable that in a work which 
holds the Hellenizers up to abhorrence it sbould be specially 
stated that the envoys of Jason to the games at Tyre were 
unwilling to contribute to the sacrifice to Heracles, and obtained 
leave to divert the money they carried to a secular purpose.* 
And if any overt immoralities were connected with the new 
institutions, it is surprising that the writer should omit to let 
us know them. The chief charges brought against the 
Hellenizers are that they conceived a zeal for athletic exercises 
and that they wore Greek hats.* But even if we were able 
to acquit the Hellenizers of formal transgressions, we should 
not necessarily condemn the Hastdtm. The temper of the new 
society might still be incompatible with the Spirit who moved 
in Israel as that people's distinctive heritage. 

New rivalries were not slow to break out in the dominant 
Hellenistic party. Menelaus, a Benjamite, supported by the 
liouse of Tobiah, intrigued at court against Jason, and induced 
Antiochus to make him High-priest in Jason's stead. He did 
not even belong to the priestly tribe. He was instated by a 
royal garrison, now lodged in Jerusalem, and Jason fied over 
Jordan into the Ammonite country. 

This provoked a more violent agitation than the appointment 

* They were more aorupulous than ' ' Nicetas the son of Jason of Hierosolyma," 
who contributed to a Dionysiac festival in Caria about the middle of the second 
century, Le Bas and Waddington, iii. No. 294. 

' The exercises of the Greek gymnasium involved, of course, complete nudity 
— an offence to Oriental feeling (Thuc. i. 6, 6), but not to the modem European 
code. The wearing of a European hat is to-day a great abomination to the 
Moslem ; one of the worst imprecations in Cairo is ^* May God clothe thee with 
a hat ! " 


of Jason had dona Menelaus may have feared that it would 
end in the return of Onias. On the occasion of a journey he 
made to Antioch he bribed Andronicus, whom Antiochus had 
left at the head of afifairs during his absence in Cilicia, to make 
away with the old High-priest, in spite of his having taken 
sanctuary in the precinct of Apollo at Daphne. 

It is curious that our account does not represent Antiochus 
himself as hostile at this time to any section of the Jews. So 
far from being the inhuman monster we expect in a book 
written to glorify the Maccabaean revolt, he is depicted as 
weeping at the death of the inofifensive Onias, and when later 
on at Tyre Menelaus is accused before him by the Jewish 
gernsia, he is only talked over to the side of Menelaus at the 
last moment by one of his councillors, Ptolemy the son of 
Dorymenes, with whom Menelaus had tampered. But not 
ouly was Menelaus acquitted; the Jews who had appeared 
against him were put to death. Perhaps Ptolemy had already 
brought Antiochus to construe enmity to Menelaus as disloyalty 
to the house of Seleucus. 

The definite quarrel of Antiochus with the Jews — or, as 
he perhaps regarded it, with the faction among the Jews 
opposed to the High-priest and to the great Jewish families 
who supported the High-priest — began when the intelligence 
reached him during one of his campaigns in Egypt ^ that 
Jerusalem had risen for the house of Ptolemy in his rear. 
Jason had suddenly (on a false report that Antiochus was 
dead) come back from the Ammonite country with a band 
he had got together and possessed himself of Jerusalem, 
except the citadel, where Menelaus had taken refuge. Those 
whom Jason found of the party of Menelaus — from the 
Seleucid point of view, the loyal party — were put to the 
sword. It was not Antiochus who drew the first blood in 

The defection of Jerusalem at a critical moment deter- \/ 
mined the King to visit it with signal chastisement. A city 
so near the Egyptian frontier must be made sure beyond 
question. We can well believe that the passionate and wilful 
nature of Antiochus took a direction of strong vindictiveness 

^ See Appendix O. 




towards the treacherous city. On his return from Egypt he 
turned aside, and came to Jerusalem with a fierce countenance 
to wreak vengeance. That the people generally, whose religion 
had been outraged by the high-priesthood of the Benjamite 
Menelaus, and still more by his manner of exercising the 
office, had given a welcome to Jason we can hardly doubt. 
Jason, before the arrival of Antiochus, had already played the 
part of the hireling shepherd ; he was safe once more across 
the Jordan, and upon the people the punishment felL It 
shows, of course, not that Antiochus was a fiend, but that he 
was of that order of statesmen who would repress disaffection 
by unscrupulous violence without ascertaining whence it 
springs. Once more blood ran in the streets of Jerusalem, 
and the Syrian soldiery told off for the work of massacre 
were probably no more merciful than those whom the Ottoman 
Sultan sets upon the Armenian Christians. 

It was not in blood only that Antiochus made the Jews 
pay. Their rebellion had given him the excuse to take into 
the royal treasury the precious things of the Temple of the 
Lord, as, on one pretext or another, he appropriated the riches 
of the other Syrian temples. With unspeakable horror the 
Jews saw him enter within the holy doors which might be 
passed by the priests alone. And the Lord withheld His 

Antiochus had not yet declared war on the Jewish religion. 
He had but chastised Jerusalem as another rebellious city 
might have been chastised. The further development of his 
policy did not manifest itself till after an interval.^ Since 
Antiochus could no longer after 168 protect the Coele-Syrian 
province by holding any Egyptian territory, its internal con- 
solidation became imperative in the first degree. The weak 
spot was Jerusalem. What the Seleucid court believed it saw 
there was a loyal party, readily accepting the genial culture 
which was to harmonize the kingdom, on the one hand, and 
on the other a people perversely and dangerously solitary, 

^ *' Two fall years " {i.e, in 168-167, after the second invasion of Egypt) accord- 
ing to 1 Mace. 1, 29. Niese, in accordance with his view that the robbing of 
the Temple took place in 168, puts the next event a year later, Kritik d, Makk. 
p. 93. 








resisting aU efforts to amalgamate them with the general 
system, and only waiting the appearance of a foreign invader 
to rebel. And on what ground did this people maintain its 
obstinate isolation ? On the ground of an unlovely barbarian 
superstition. Very well: the religion of Jehovah must be 
abolished. The Hellenization of Jerusalem must be made 
perfect. If part of the population took up an attitude of 
irreconcilable obstruction, they must be exterminated and I / 
their place filled by Greek colonists. • 

ApoUonius, the commander of the Mysian mercenaries, 
was charged with the first step of effecting a strong military 
occupation of Jerusalem. His errand was concealed ; he went 
with a considerable force, ostensibly in connexion with the 
tribute from southern Syria, and seized Jerusalem by a coup v 
de main. A fresh massacre, directed probably by Menelaus 
and his adherents, cleared Jerusalem of the obnoxious element. 
A new fortress of great strength was built on Mount Zion, 
and a body of royal troops, " Macedonians," established in it 
to dominate the city. 

But now came the second part of the process, the ex- J 
tinguishing of the Jewish religion. It was simple enough in 
Jerusalem itself. Jehovah was identified with Zeus Olympius, 
and Zeus Olympius, it would appear, with Antiochus. The 
ritual was altered in such a way as to make the breach 
with Judaism most absolute. A Greek altar — the ''Abomina- 
tion of Desolation " ^ — was erected upon the old Jewish altar 
in the Temple court, and swine sacrificed upon it. The ' ^ 
High -priest partook of the new sacrificial feasts, of the 
''broth of abominable things." To partake was made the 
test of loyalty to the King. The day of the King's birth 
was monthly celebrated with Greek rites. A Dionysiac 
festival was introduced, when the population of Jerusalem 
went in procession, crowned with ivy. That everything 
might conform to the purest Hellenic type, the framing of 
the new institutions was entrusted to one of the Eling's friends 
from Athens. 

At the same time that the transformation was accomplished 
in Jerusalem, the other temple built to Jehovah in Shechem, 

1 1 Maoc 1, 64. 



the religious centre of the Samaritans, was constituted a 
temple of Zeus Xenios.^ 

To purge Jerusalem of all trace of Judaism was com- 
J paratively easy; it was another matter to master the country. 
In the country villages and smaller towns of Judaea the royal 
officers met with instances of extreme resistance. Their 
instructions were to compel the population to break with the 
old religion by taking part in the ceremonies of Hellenic 
worship, especially in eating the flesh of sacrificed swine, and 
to punish even with death mothers who circimicised their 
children. The books of which the Jews made so much were 
destroyed, if found, or disfigured by mocking scribbles, or 
defiled with unholy broth. 

There can be no question that these measures threw the 
bulk of the Jewish people, who had perhaps wavered when 
there seemed a possibility of combining Judaism with Hellen- 
ism, into definite antagonisuL But immense force was brought 
to bear upon them. Antiochus did not omit to have the 
f reasonableness of Hellenism put in a friendly way to those 
{ who would hear, and he punished without mercy those who 
^^ > would not And under the stress of those days nimibers of 

\ the Jews conformed ; those who held fast generally forsook 

, their homes and gathered in wandering companies in desolate 

Ji places. But there also shone out in that intense moment the 

i' sterner and sublimer qualities which later Hellenism, and 

above all the Hellenism of Syria, knew nothing of — uncom- 
i promising fidelity to an ideal, endurance raised to the pitch 

i of utter self-devotion, a passionate clinging to purity. They 

V were qualities for the lack of which all the riches of Hellenic 

[ culture conld not compensate. It was an epoch in history. 

The agony created new human types and new forms of litera- 
ture, which became permanent, were inherited by Christendom. 

^ The correspondence between the Samaritans and Antiochus (Joseph. Arck^ 
xii. § 258 f.) is thought by many to be a "poisonous forgery " of the Jews. Its 
genuineness is defended by Niese {Kritik d. Makk. p. 107). In speaking of the 
Samaritans it seems to be often lost sight of that they were no doubt, equaUy 
with the Jews, divided into two parties. The letter given by Josephus might 
have been sent by the Hellenizing party without the whole Samaritan community 
being involved. A similar letter would be quite credible from Menelaus and bis 


The figure of the martyr, as the Church knows it, dates from 
the persecution of Antiochus; all subsequent martyrologies 
derive from the Jewish books which recorded the sufiferings of 
those who in that day " were strong and did exploits." ^ 

The resistance was at first passive. The people of the 
country villages, if they did not flee and join the roving bands, 
either conformed, which was probably the most common, or 
underwent martyrdom. The roving bands were without any 
general leader or clear principles of action. When one band 
had been overtaken on the Sabbath by a party from the dkra 
in Jerusalem, they allowed themselves to be butchered with- 
out resistance, that they might not profane the holy day but 
rather " die in their simplicity." * 

It was when the Hasmonaean family came forward that / 
all this was changed. The passive resistance passed into a 
revolt. But the beginnings of the Maccabaean revolt are 
wrapped in a certain degree of uncertainty. The origin of the 
name Hasmonaean is a question.^ 

The personality and the rdle of Mattathiah, which the First 
Book of Maccabees presents to us, have been recently pro- 
nounced a fiction.^ Our two accounts of the first conflicts 
with the Seleucid power do not easily admit of reconcilement. 
But this much may be taken for history. Before the 
persecution had continued long, a certain family among the 
refugee bands marked itself out by its gifts of leadership, the 
children of Hashmflnai, of the priestly tribe, with their home 
in the little town of Modin (mod. al-Madya). They made a 
nucleus round which the scattered bands drew together, and 

1 Daniel 11, 82. M Mace. 2, 29 f. 

' Ace. to 1 Maec. 2, 1, Judas was the son of Mattathiah, the son of John, 
the son of Symeon, and Josephus (Arch, xii. § 265) makes Symeon the son 
of ABamonaeus (Hebrew, Hashmiinai). Wellhausen {Israel, u. jUd, Gesch.* p. 
253) thinks that the Symeon of 1 Mace, is really himself Ashmdn, disguised by 
a mistranslation. This makes Asamonaeus the great-grandfather of Judas. In 
another place {Bell, i. § 86) Asamonaeus is represented by Josephus as the 
father of Mattathiah and the grawUfather, therefore, of Judas. Finally, Niese, 
suppressing Mattathiah or identifying him with Asamonaeus (as Schlatter, Jason 
V. Kyrene, p. 10) makes Asamonaeus the father of Judas {Kritik d, Makk, 
p. 43 f.). 

^ Niese, see preceding note. Schiirer in the last edition of his work (1901) 
professes himself unconvinced by Niate's argument (p. 202, note 42). 


they were strengthened by the adhesion of the Hasidim.^ It 
was resolved to fight, even on the Sabbath day, and thereafter 
the towns and villages which had settled down comfortably to 
a Hellenic regime found themselves suddenly visited by bands 
of fierce zealots, who repaid massacre for massacre, circumcised 
the children by force and destroyed the emblems of Hellenic 

Naturally the Seleucid government was concerned to 
protect the new order of things firom such disturbance. But 
it had not sufficient force on the spot to cope with the mobile 
irregular bands. Some collisions between the local forces and 
the Jewish insurgents took place, with the result that the royal 
troops were swept away by the furious onset, or found the 
enemy upon them in dark nights before they were aware.* 

In these encounters the people of Israel learnt that the 
Lord had raised up a man to lead and deliver them as of old. 
Of the five Hasmonaean brethren it was Judas, sumamed 
Maccabaeus, who bore the military command and became 
surrounded with the halo of a popular hero.' The effect of 
his successes was to rally to the cause all those who had only 
unwillingly and from fear accepted Hellenism, and these, 
together with the refugees, made the mass of the population 
of Judaea. The country towns and villages resumed their 
Jewish complexion; those who loved Hellenism, or were too 
deeply compromised, fled to the Greek cities. Jerusalem was 
still held by the Macedonian garrison in the akra, but the 
rest of Judaea was won back for Judaism. So long as 
Jerusalem continued a heathen city, Mizpeh, where there had 
been "a place of prayer aforetime for Israel,"* was the 

1 1 Mace. 2, 42. 

^ This phase of the struggle is briefly indicated in 2 Mace. 8, 5-7. In 1 
Mace it is elaborated in greater detail in the defeats of Apollonius and of 
Seron (A/>x<^ "^^ Svpdfuut Zvplas), It is impossible to make oat the official 
position of either. The title of Seron is taken from the Old Testament, 2 Kings 
5, 1 (xal Nat/bidi' 6 A^ctir r^ Swdfitu/t ^vplas fjv dt^p /i^Tat = DnirT|Sp K^xnb). 
See Appendix H. 

' According to 1 Mace. 2, 2, he was the third of the five ; according to Joseph. 
Bell, i. § 37 he was the eldest, and this Niese thinks the most probable. The 
somame of Maccabaeas is generally believed to be from nppi^ a hammer. 

* 1 Maoc. 3, 46 ; cf. Judges 20, 1 ; 1 Samuel 7, 5 ; l6/l7. 


national centre. What had been scattered bands were now 
organized under Judas as a national army. 

Things had perhaps not reached this stage when Antiochus 
left Syria for his expedition in the North and East. It was 
thenceforth upon Lysias, the guardian of the young Antiochus, 
that the responsibility for restoring order in southern Syria 
fell. How Antiochus himself construed the revolt we do not 
know, or if he divined its gravity, but the letter given in the 
Second Book of Maccabees, if genuine, throws light on his 
attitude.^ The letter is addressed, not as Jason of Cyrene 
would have us think, to the insurgent Jews, but to the 
Hellenizing Jews of Jerusalem, whom Antiochus regards, or 
afifects to regard, as the Jewish people. He addresses them, in 
well-understood contrast to the other part of the nation, as the 
loyal Jews.* He describes himself as their fellow-citizen and 
straiegos? He writes from the East, mentioning his illness ^ and 
stating his hope of recovery, but requesting the Jews, in the 
event of his decease, to remain loyal to the young Antiochus. 
The hands of Jvdas are iffnored. 

^ 2 Mtec. 9, 19. Niese defends its geuaineness {KrUik d, Makk, p. 30). 
See Appendix I. 

' Tois xpV<^'^o^^ 'lovSalois, The use of the word xPV^^^f in & political sense 
for the approved party is familiar ; Pseudo-Xen. De repub. Ath,^ passim; dXlyop 
TO x/wyo'rd*', Ar. FrogSy 783. 

' Niese in his suggestion that Antiochus had been elected honorary straiegos 
\u the Atticized city of Jerusalem seems to me very happy. 

** The translation of our Bibles ** noisome sickness" is unwarranted if J 
understood in any other sense than ''dangerous." The Greek does not imply 
that it was offensive to other people's senses. 

VOL. II ^ 




When Antiochus Epiphanes left Syria in 166-165 the 
government of the West was confided, as has been said, to 
Lysias, one of those who held the rank of Kinsmen.^ It was 
in the early days of his administration that the first attempt 
of any importance was made to quell the Jewish insurrection. 
The matter having proved too great for the troops on the 
spot, the forces of the Coele-Syrian province had to be con- 
centrated to deal with it. Under the authority of the 
strcUegos of Coele-Syria and Phoenicia, Ptolemy the son of 
Dorymenes, an army was launched upon Judaea, commanded 
by Nicanor and Gorgias. Such complete confidence was felt 
in the Gentile cities as to the result of the expedition that 
the force was followed by a great company of merchants, 
alert to buy up the numbers of Jewish prisoners who 
would be thrown upon the slave-market.^ The way of 
approach chosen was one of the western valleys which run 
down from the Judaean upland to the Philistine plain. At 
Emmaus, in the valley of Ajalon, the force encamped before 
making the ascent. 

It was the first great ordeal through which the new 
Jewish army was to pass, and many lost heart as the crisis 
approached and slunk away. Judas with those who remained 
took up a position on the slopes to the south of Emmaus. 

1 2 Maoc. 11, 1. 

^ As a matter of fact Delphian inscriptions of this time show us Jewish slaves 
there. In one (Wescher-Foacart, Irucriptums recueiUia d Delphes, No. 364) 
we read ffiofia d»5p€iop (} 6vofia *lovi€uos { = *lo66as ?) t6 T^rot *lovdaMP. 



It was resolved in the camp of Nicanor, our accouiit says, 
to avoid one of those surprises, in which the Jews — irregulars 
fighting in their own country — had shown themselves so deft, 
by the royal forces effecting a surprise themselves. Gorgias 
was detached with about an eighth of the entire force to 
make a night attack on the enemy's encampment Men from 
Jerusalem were ready to act as guides. Judas, however, got 
wind of the design, and moving out by the hill-paths, evaded 
the attacking force. Gorgias reached the camping-place to 
find it deserted. He then committed the indiscretion of 
pressing on into the hills, whither he conceived the enemy 
had retired, without ascertaining his real whereabouts. Judas 
suddenly flung himself at daybreak on the main body at 
Emmaus, which, taken completely unawares, fled down past 
Gezer into the Philistine plain. Gorgias was still wandering 
about in the hills when the columns of smoke rising from 
Emmaus told their tale. He at once withdrew his men, 
without risking an engagement, to join the fugitives in the 
plain. The Jews fell upon the deserted camp, and " got much 
gold and silver and blue and sea-purple and great riches." 
They returned up the valley, intoning the ancient burden of 
their psalms, " Because He is good and His mercy endureth 
for ever." ^ 

The provincial forces had proved inadequate to the task 
of suppressing the Jewish revolt. 

The regent Lysias must now take the matter into his own 
hands. In 165 he moved from Antioch at the head of a 
larger army than had yet been put into the field against the 
Jews.^ Lysias resolved to attack from the south where the 
Judaean upland falls by gentle degrees towards Hebron. 
These slopes as far north as Beth-sur were peopled, not by 
Jews, but by Idumaeans, and at Beth-sur the edge of the 
plateau was already gained. Beth-sur itself seems to have 
been held by a company of Jews. It was attacked by the 
roval forces. 

^ 1 Mace. 3, 38-4, 25 ; 2 Mace. 8, 8-29. 

^ It iB, however, noteworthy that according to the figures of 1 Maoc. , which 
are, of course, exaggerated, the proportion of cavalry in the army of Lysias was 
smaller than in that of Nicanor. Tlie experience of the former expedition may 
have shown the unsuitahility of this arm to warfare in the rocky Judaean hills. 


The engagements which took place between the troops of 
Lysias and the insurgents are represented in the Books of the 
Maccabees in the guise of a notable victory of Judas. But in 
view of the ease with which even distinct defeats are seen to 
be transfigured in the imagination of the Jewish writers into 
victories, it may be questioned whether much damage was 
inflicted upon the regent's army. Before, however, any decisive 
result was reached, it was known in Antioch and in the camp 
of Lysias that Antiochus Epiphanes was no more. It was 
possibly this material change in the situation which inclined 
Lysias to make terms with the nationalist Jews.^ 

Nor were the nationalists imwilling to avail themselves of 
a way of escape from the predicament in which the presence 
of such an army as the regent's had placed them. Their 
envoys, John and Absalom, carried to Lysias a written 
statement of their desires. At the same time they entreated 
the good offices of some Roman commissioners who were in 
the neighbourhood— on their way presumably from Alexandria 
to Antioch.^ The requests of the insurgents were referred to 
the court at Antioch, and supported, it appears, by the Koman 
commissioners. Possibly Lysias himself, who had on his own 
authority made some concessions, advised conciliation. At 
any rate, the policy of Antiochus Epiphanes was now definitely 
renounced by the Council of the boy-king, Antiochus Eupator. 
The rescript sent in reference to the questions submitted by 
Lysias conceded to the Jews full liberty for the exercise of 
their ancestral religion, the restoration of the old Jewish 
institutions in Jerusalem, and amnesty for all those returning 
to Jerusalem within a given time. But the nationalists do 
not seem to have had it all their own way. They were 
probably obliged to agree to some modiis vivendi with their 
fellow-countrymen who had attached themselves to Hellenism 
and the Seleucid house. It is remarkable that Menelaus, who 
of all men was most odious to the nationalists, remained in 
power. Seeing how things were tending, he had made himself 

^ See Appendix J. 

* The names of the oommissionera in our text are corrupt. Niese conjectures 
that the last mentioned was Manius Sergius, who was sent out on a mission with 
Gbiub Sulpicius in 165, Kritik, p. 78. 


the spokesman of Jewish feeling at Antioch, and was deputed 
by the court to direct the work of pacification. The garrison, 
of course, remained in the akra. 

These rescripts mark the end of the first phase in the 
Maccaba^an struggle. The ban was now taken ofif the Jewish 
religion; the cause for which the nationalists had hitherto 
been fighting, the liberty of Judaism, was won. Thence- 
forward, when they took the sword, it was to fight, not for 
religious, but for political, freedom. 

The Hasmonaean family and the people who followed them 
had now access to Jerusalem. The refugees returned to their 
homes. In the following December (164) the restoration of 
the old worship in the Temple ensued. The altar of Zeus 
was broken up and the stones cast into an unclean place. 
The old altar of burnt offering, upon which the heathen altar 
had been erected, could not be used again. Its stones were 
put away in a place on the Temple hill, '' until there should 
come a prophet to give an answer concerning them." A new 
altar was made, and on the 25th of Ghislev the smoke of the 
first sacrifice went up from it to the Lord — on the very day 
when the profanation had taken place some years before. For 
eight days the ceremonies of rededication went on. It was a 
moment to be remembered, and in years to come the anniver- 
sary was celebrated by Israel in the Feast of the Dedication.^ 

By the death of Antiochus Epiphanes the young Antiochus 
Eupator, now a boy of nine years, became sole king. The 
administration was, of course, in the hands of those whom 
the ill-regulated favour of Antiochus Epiphanes had raised to 
power, wretched men like Heraclides of Miletus and his brother 
Timarchus under whose extortionate rule the eastern provinces 
groaned. The drastic policy of Antiochus Epiphanes was 
given up; the kingdom entered on a period of inertia and 
abasement. This result was contemplated with extreme 
satisfaction at Kome, and there was no relaxing of the grasp 
which held the rightful heir to the Seleucid throne, Demetrius 
the son of Seleucus, a prisoner.^ 

1 CaUed ^Koiifia (John 10, 22) or 4>Qrra (Joseph. Arch, xii. § 825) ; in 
nbbinical Hebrew n|]n (Psalm 30, heading). The feast was similar ul 
charaoter to the Feast of Tabernacles. * App. Syr. 4Q *, ^o\^\). xiLii* VL. 


The histoiy of those days in Syria is preserved for us only 
in so far as the Jews are concerned. They show us the new 
military power created by the Hasmonaean brethren engaged 
in conflict with all the neighbouring peoples. In the picture 
we get of southern Syria the power of the Seleucid court seems 
to be of a shadowy kind. Only in the Philistine plain is it 
substantial ; there Grorgias, the captain unsuccessful at Emmaus, 
holds Jamnia (on the great road north of Azotus) with a royal 
garrison. The Idumaeans (Edomites), the peoples between 
Jordan and the eastern wilderness, the Arab tribes, appear 
practically independent. 

Nearly all these races, however, are united in sympathy 
with the Seleucid government by their common hatred of the 
Jews. The division in this coiijlict is not hdween Hellene and 
Asiatic^ hU hetween Israel and the nuiions. It is true that 
the zeal with which the heathen nations of Syria adopted the 
Hellenic culture focussed in the new cities may have had 
something to do with their hatred of the race who remained 
stubbornly " barbarian." It is noteworthy that the Nabataean 
Arabs, who had perhaps been the least affected by the Hellenistic 
movement, were friendly to the Jewish rebels.^ But in the 
cities of Syria the successes of the nationalists, and above all 
the restoration of the old ritual, roused a flame of anti- Jewish 
rage. The little communities of Jews who resided among the 
heathen found themselves in danger of massacre. In the 
district of Tob, beyond Jordan ( = mod. Tayziba, opposite 
Beth-shan ?) a massacre actually took place. In Idumaea an 
outbreak occurred, and parties of Jews were besieged in the 
fortresses where they had taken refuge. Travelling companies 
of Jews were cut up on the road by the marauding tribe of 
the Beni-Baian.^ 

But Judaism did not lack a champion. The Hasmonaean 
brethren made a series of avenging raids into the surrounding 
countries. The chronology of these " Neighbour Wars " is 
perplexed. They possibly began before the return of the 
nationalists to Jerusalem.' But their character is more 

> 1 Biaoc. 6, 26. « Ibul. 6, 1 f. 

' Fights with Timotheus, a djmast of the Ammonite couutry, are made in 
2 Mmoo, 8, 80 f. to follow immediately upon the defeat of Nicanor and Gorgiau. 


plain. In contrast with later Hasmonaean wars their object is 
the concentration, not the expansion, of Judaism. Jewish 
colonies are not established in the Gentile lands, but the 
Jewish communities actually residing in them are brought 
back 071 nuisse to Judaea. Gentile communities which had 
not shown any hostility to the Jews do not seem to have 
been molested. The case of the Nabataeans has been mentioned. 
The Greek colony of Scythopolis (Beth-shan) protected the 
resident Jews and received the thanks of Judas when he 
passed with his bands that way.^ On the other hand, wherever 
the Jews had been persecuted, scenes of frightful carnage took 
place. At Bosra and Maspha it is expressly stated that Judas 
put all males to the sword.^ 

While the King's peace was thus broken in southern Syria 
by the agitation against the Jews and the sanguinary reprisals, 
the nationalists and the friends of the Seleucid government 
were not living happily together in Jerusalem. 

The former had the upper hand and things went hard 
with their adversaries. It was now the turn of the nationalists 
to persecute. Those guilty of Hellenizing were put to death 
and their possessions seized by the dominant party. The 
remnant of the Hellenizing party fled. Some took refuge in 
the akra. Others were received in the strongholds of Idumaea.* 
Their cries reached the court of Antioch. Were the loyalists 
to be abandoned to the vindictiveness of the rebels ? The 
Seleucid court was bound in honour to protect those who 
maintained its cause. 

It was obvious that the concordat arranged by Lysias had 
broken down, and the court was angry with Menelaus, who 
had been more or less responsible for it. Nor was it only for 
the sake of the loyalists that the Seleucid government must 
take action. The garrison in the akra, its one hold left in 
Judaea, was hard pressed by Judas. He had begun a regular 
siege, and held the garrison strongly invested. 

In 163^ an army greater than the last moved out from 
Antioch, complete even to the corps of elephants. It was led 

1 2 Mace. 12, 29 f. '1 Mace. 5, 28 ; 35. ^ 2 Mace. 10, 15. 

^ In 1 Mace. 6, 20, year 150=168-162 b.o. ; in 2 Mace. 13, 1, year 149 = 
164-168 &c. 


by Lysias, and accompanied by the boy -king himself. The 
line of attack chosen was again by the south, and once more 
the frontier fortress of the Jews, Beth-sur, was besieged. 
Judas came as in former years to battla But against the 
real force of the kingdom his bands could not make head. 
He was defeated at Beth-Zachariah near Beth-sur. His 
brother Eleazar was among the slain. Eleazar had fallen, the 
story says, in an attack upon one of the elephants, which he 
supposed to carry the King. Judas fell back, leaving the way 
open, to the neighbourhood of Gophna. The King and Lysias 
advanced to Jerusalem and laid siege to the nationalist fortress 
on Mount Zion, while part of the royal army was left to 
prosecute the siege of Beth-sur. There was a great scarcity 
of food in Judaea, both because of the number of refugees 
brought in during the last years, and because at that moment 
a Sabbath year was in course.^ Beth-sur was compelled by 
famine to surrender, and a royal garrison took the place of 
the Jewish one.^ 

But once more the nationalists were saved from a desperate 
predicament by outside events. A certain Philip who had 
been with Antiochus Epiphanes in Persis, and received from 
the dying king, it was said, the diadem and seal which carried 
the chief authority in the kingdom, now set himself up against 
Lysias in Antioch. It was imperative for Lysias to come to 
terms quickly with the Jews. What the terms of the agree- 
ment were it is impossible to make out precisely. Liberty for 
the Jewish worship had been already conceded in 164, and 
the question since then had been whether equal liberty was 
to be given by the nationalists to Hellenism, or whether the 
Hasmonaean party were exclusively to possess the state. It 
would appear that Lysias must now have abandoned the 
Hellenizers and offered the friendship of the Seleucid govern- 
ment to the Hasmonaeans, if they on their part would recognize 
the Seleucid supremacy. Judas was to hold the chief power 
in Judaea, but hold it as the King's strategos? Menelaus, 

^ This Sabbath year is calculated to ha?e extended from autumu 164 to 
aatumn 163. 

> 1 Mace. 6, 20 f. ; Joseph. Bell 1, § 41 f. 

' 2 Mace. 13, 24. rrytfiwidrip is probably corrapt, not the name of the streUegos, 


the head of the HelleniziDg party, the old instrument of the 
Seleucid court, Lysias made haste to destroy. He had pre- 
sented himself in the royal camp with the petition to be re- 
instated in the high -priesthood. Instead of this, after the 
compact with the Hasmonaeans, Lysias took him back with 
the army on his return, and at Beroea in northern Syria 
(Aleppo) he was cast into the fiery furnace.^ 

The Seleucid King entered Jerusalem as a friend and 
made an offering in the Temple. But the garrison was left 
in the oAra, and before he departed the nationalist fortress 
in Jerusalem was dismantled. The situation now created 
there — the Hasmonaeans in power, but trammelled by an 
irksome allegiance and overlooked by a garrison — had no 
promise of stability. And now we turn away our eyes for a 
while from Judaea to northern Syria. 

As soon as Lysias returned with the King to the north, 
a trial of strength took place between him and Philip. In 
this Philip was worsted, and, flying to Ptolemy Philometor, 
disappears from history.^ The palace gang to which Lysias 
belonged were now absolute. How reckless their administra- 
tion was is shown by the fact that they committed some 
crime (perhaps the murder of queen Antiochis whilst she 
was residing in her old home), which utterly alienated the 
Cappadocian court, and undid the alliance which had been 
part of the policy of Antiochus Epiphanes.' 

In Kome it was resolved to take advantage of the weakness 
of the Seleucid kingdom to cripple it still further. A mission 
was dispatched in 164,* soon after the death of Antiochus 

1 2 Mace. 13, 3 f. ; Joseph. Arch, xii. § 883 f. 

' 2 Mace. 9, 29. According to Joseph. Arch. xii. § 386, he was captnred 
and put to death. 

* A fragment of Polybius (zxxi. 17) tells us all we know about this mysterious 
occurrence. The young king of Cappadocia, Ariarathes V, sends to Antioch to 
recover the bones of his mother and sister. In order that he may not provoke 
Lysias and so fail of his desire, he does not recriminate as to the ** abominable 
crime which had been perpetrated." This suggests that Antiochis and one of 
her daughters had been murdered in Antioch by the palace gang. It may well 
be that Antiochis, who was a masterful woman, after the usual fashion of 
Macedonian princesses, had mingled in the politics of Syria ; perhaps she had 
supported Philip or tried in some way to rescue her nephew from Lysias and his 
confederates. * Nieae, KrUik, p. 83. 


Epiphanes was knowD, consisting of Gnaeus Octavius, Spurius 
Lucretius and Lucius Aurelius, to *' regulate the affairs of the 
kingdom." By regulating its affairs the Senate understood 
the destruction of the newly -formed fleet and the corps of 
elephants, both of which contravened the provisions of the 
Peace of Apamea. It was believed that the gang would 
agree to anything, however disastrous or dishonourable to 
the kingdom, so long as they might hold their places and 
be secured against the thing they dreaded — the return of 
Demetrius.^ The mission moved slowly, looking into other 
matters in the eastern countries on its way. In 163 apparently 
they had come to Cappadocia, and now the fruits of the fatuous 
policy of Lysias showed themselves. The throne was held no 
longer by Ariarathes lY Eusebes, but by his son Mithridates, 
who had taken the name of Ariarathes on his accession, 
Ariarathes Y Eusebes Philopator. He threw himself heart 
and soul into any project for humiliating the Seleucid court. 
He drew a lively picture of the misgovemment and weakness 
of Lysias and the gang, and offered military support to the 
Boman envoys. So mean an opinion, however, had the envoys 
of the present government in Syria that they thought military 
support quite unnecessary.^ 

Their estimate was right as fi&r as Lysias and his associates 
were concerned. They raised no objection to the destruction 
of the fleet and elephants. But Octavius had left out of 
account the popular feeling, which was stirred to frenzy at the 
sight. And he paid the penalty. At Laodicea, whither the 
envoys had come (to destroy the ships in the harbour or 
embark on their further journey to Egypt), Octavius, while 
taking his exercise in the public gymnasium, was set upon 
by a citizen, called Leptines, and killed. The man instantly 
became a hero, and went about Laodicea declaring that he 
had acted under divine inspiration. Among the loudest voices 
raised in his glorification was that of Isocrates, a professor of 
letters from Greece, who was now swept by the wave of 
popular excitement into politics. He began to clamour that 
the other envoys should share Octavius' fate. He gave voice 
to all that bitterness against Kome which had become general 

> Poljb. xxxL 12. a p^ ig 


among Greek idealists. But the colleagues of Octavius made 
good their escape (163-162).^ 

The government, of course, was horror-struck at the 
tragedy. Ostentatious honours were shown to the body of 
the murdered envoy, and ambassadors went in haste to Rome 
to assure the Senate that the court was entirely innocent of 
any share in the crime. But the Senate was not in a hurry 
to acquit. It maintained that impressive reserve (often the 
consequence of ignorance or indecision) which so puzzled and 
frightened the Greeks. It was not, however, from the Senate 
that the doom of Lysias and the gang came.^ 

' Polyb. xxxii. 6 ; App. Sjfr, 46. 
' Polyb. xxxi. 19, 1 f. 


All this while the boy who had been growing up in Italy 
had not lost the hope of coming to his own. When the news 
of his uncle's death arrived in Rome (164) he had approached 
the Senate with fair words, begging to be possessed of his 
inheritance. The Senate need have no doubt that a friendly 
king would sit upon the Seleucid throne ; Demetrius assured 
them that he actually felt one of themselves, that he looked 
upon the Senators as his fathers and the young Roman nobles 
as his brothers. The Senate, Polybius says, was made un- 
comfortable by this appeal; they had a bad conscience, but 
they thought they understood Roman interests better than 
Demetrius, and preferred a powerless child and a palace 
camarilla to an active prince, however friendly. So the mission 
was sent to destroy the ships and the elephants.^ 

Demetrius at that time was twenty-three years old. He 
bore his captivity impatiently. But it had been a magnificent 
school. As in the case of Antiochus Epiphanes, to have been 
educated in Rome, not in a Sjrrian palace, meant a great deal 
to the ruler of a kingdom. It was not only that he had grown 
up in contact with the finest aristocracy and the most vigorous 
political system of the world, but there met in Rome — as 
captives, ambassadors, teachers — the greatest of the con- 
temporary Greeks. The circle of Scipio Aemilianus comprised 
the philosopher Panaetius and the historian Polybius. For the 
friendship of Demetrius with Polybius we have the authority 
of Polybius himsel£ The Achaean statesman and the Seleucid 

^ Poljrb. xzxL 12. 


prince were both enthusiastic sportsmen, and this in the first 
instance had drawn them together. How much Demetrius 
owed to his intercourse with this man, the widest observer 
of contemporary politics, the most original historian since 
Thucydides, we can only speculate. Something the younger 
man, spirited and sanguine, must have gained from the manifold 
experience, the matured reflection of the elder — from long 
conversations as they rode or drove home together through the 
declining afternoons from hunting the pig in the woods of 

Another acquaintance whom Demetrius made in Eome 
was his cousin, the best of the Ptolemies, Philometor. In 
163 Philometor came to Italy as a suppliant For the 
double kingship established in Egypt since the invasions of 
Antiochus Epiphanes had not worked well, and Philometor 
had now been driven out by his brother Euergetes. He landed 
with three slaves and a eunuch only. People arrived in Eome 
with the news that they had seen the King of Egypt tramping 
along the road on foot with this poor attendance. Impulsively 
Demetrius hurried to meet him, with royal apparel and a 
magnificent horse, richly caparisoned. He was received with 
a smile. He must not spoil a calculated stage effect. Ptolemy 
begged his cousin to wait with his horse and royal robes in 
one of the towns on the road ; he himself proceeded as he 
had begun, entered Eome, a pathetic figure, and took up his 
lodging with a penurious Greek painter in an attic. He was 
restored after this by Eoman authority to Egypt, although he 
was obliged to surrender Cyrene to Euergetes.^ 

It was only a short time after the visit of Ptolemy 
Philometor that the startling news of the murder of Octavius 
came to Eome, and was immediately followed by the am- 
bassadors sent from the court at Antioch (162). How would 
this affect the disposition of the Senate to the existing govern- 
ment and to Demetrius ? Polybius tells us that Demetrius 
came to him in high excitement. Would not Polybius advise 
him to approach the Senate once more ? " Polybius told him," 
the historian writes of himself, '' not to stumble twice at the 
same stone." Demetrius would never induce the Senate to 

1 Polyb. xxxi. 22, 3. ^ Diod. xxxi. 18 ; Valerius Max. ▼. I. 


move in his favour, but if he took the matter into his own 
hands and acted boldly, the hour was favourable. Demetrius 
understood, but he said nothing. Presently he consulted a 
friend of his own age, ApoUonius, who had, Polybius explains, 
an innocent and childlike belief in the part played by logic in 
practical politics, and, since it was unreasonable for Demetrius 
to be a hostage for the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, advised 
him to try the Senate again. Demetrius did. The Senate 
showed a disconcerting impassivity to argument — as Polybius 
had foreseen.^ 

The resolution of the young prince, who had plenty of 
high courage and determination, now began to rise to the pitch 
of independent action. The man who had nurtured him in 
boyhood, Diodorus, had recently returned from Syria, whither 
he had gone to spy out the situation. Demetrius took him 
into confidence, and the report of Diodorus confirmed his 
purpose. The incidents of the Roman mission and the murder 
of Octavius had led to a profound breach between the people 
and the palace gang. The people mistrusted Lysias, and Lysias 
the people. Let Demetrius appear there, were it but with one 
attendant, and the kingdom would be his ! This clinched his 
resolve. Polybius received a summons to come and see him, 
and was then asked to deliberate on ways of escape. 

It occurred to Polybius that the man who must help them 
was Menyllus of Alabanda. Menyllus was now in Rome as 
the ambassador of Ptolemy Philometor; Polybius knew him 
well and trusted him absolutely. He introduced him to 
Demetrius, and Menyllus was let into the plot The ambas- 
sador soon had a plan ready. He went down to Ostia and 
found a state-vessel of Carthage, carrying the customary offering 
to the gods of the mother-city, Tyre, in the harbour. Menyllus 
saw the captain, told him he was shortly returning to 
Alexandria, and made arrangements for himself and his party 
to be taken on board. 

Before the ship sailed, Diodorus was sent on ahead to 
Syria to watch the drift of public feeling in the great cities. 
Demetrius made his final preparations. The only persons in 
the plot beside Polybius and Menyllus were Apollonius and 

> Polyb. xxxL 19. 


two sons of that older ApoUonius who had been of influence 
in the court of Seleucus IV, called Meleager and Menestheus.^ 

The night came, in which the escape was to be made. 
Demetrius dined that afternoon with one of his friends, not 
at his own house, where he always kept a large table, and the 
presence of nimibers would be inconvenient It was given out 
that the prince would hunt next day at Anagnia, and a tent 
was pitched for him that night without the city ; those in the 
plot had already sent on their slaves to make preparations. 
Only one slave was to accompany each of them in the voyage. 
The arrangement was that on leaving the banquet they should 
proceed with all secrecy and speed to the ship. 

At this critical moment Polybius was confined to his bed 
by an illnes& It was a great annoyance to him to be cut off 
from participation in the action, but Menyllus came regularly 
to his bedside to report every fresh development. On the 
final evening he knew that Demetrius was making merry with 
his friends ; he knew also that Demetrius had all the buoyant 
carelessness of youth and drank freely in his convivial hours. 
The thought of possible indiscretions which might wreck the 
enterprise tormented him. He lay fretting on his bed. lest 
Demetrius should drink too deep into the night. At last he 
took a tablet, wrote upon it a few words, sealed it, and gave it 
to a slave to carry to the house where the feast was going 
on. It was now growing dark. The slave had orders to ask 
at the door for the prince's cup-bearer, and deliver him the 
tablet to give Demetrius, but he was on no account to say 
who he was or from whom he came. In the tablet were no 
compromising names; nothing but certain proverbial verses 
from the poets : — 

He that acts carries away the prize from him that tarries. 
Night bringeth the same to all, but they that adventure get more 
profit of it. 

Make a venture, hazard, act, fail 

Or succeed — anything rather than let thyself be carried by chance. 

Be sober and remember to mistrust : these are the hinges of the soul. 

' One would naturally think that ApoUonius, the son of Menestheus, of 
2 Mace. 4 was the father of this Menestheus, hut how can we reconcile this 
with the statement of Polyhius that ApoUonius retired to Miletus on Antiochus' 


The tablet was soon in the hands of Demetrius, and he 
recognized the sententious tone of his old friend. Presently 
he rose, said that he felt sick and left the housa His friends 
escorted him to the tent There he chose the slaves to take 
the nets and the dogs to Anagnia for to-morrow's sport The 
rendez^oous was appomted them and they were sent off. Some 
others of his friends, including Nicanor, were now admitted to 
the plot They were all instructed to go to their several 
places of abode, send off their slaves to join the others at 
Anagnia, and change their dining garb for such clothes as 
men wore hunting — or on a journey. Having done this tliey 
were to return each one to the tent 

At last all were assembled, and in the dead of night the 
party hurried down to Ostia. Menyllus had been before 
them with a story to satisfy the people of the ship. A 
communication, he said, had just come from King Ptolemy 
which would cause him to prolong his stay in Rome, but he 
wished to dispatch some trusty young men who would take 
secret intelligence to Alexandria concerning the movements of 
Euergetes. The young men would present themselves about 
midnight All that the people of the ship cared about was 
the passage money, and when Menyllus assured them that the 
original sum stipulated for would still be given, they asked no 
more questions. Everything on board was in readiness for 
departure Towards the end of the third watch Demetrius 
and his company appeared, eight men, five grown slaves 
and three boys. There was some talk with Menyllus 
apart; then he showed them the provisions got ready for 
the voyage, and introduced them with earnest words to the 
captain and the crew. In the grey of the dawn the vessel 
loosed her moorings and glided out to sea. The steersman 
had no inkling whom he carried ; he never doubted but 
they were soldiers in the Egyptian service going to King 

For some time Demetrius was not missed. His friends in 
Rome thought him at Anagnia; his servants at Anagnia 
thought him on the way &om Rome. But on the fourth day 
his disappearance became patent. On the fifth day a meeting 
of the Senate was called to consider the matter. But by that 


time Demetrius must have passed the Straits of Messina. To 
try to arrest him and fail would, they thought, be undignified. 
In a few days they had fallen upon the inevitable expedient of 
a mission — an expedient which always deferred the trouble of 
a decision. Tiberius Gracchus and two colleagues were chosen 
to go and watch events in the East.^ 

In this first-hand narrative, which stands out in ancient 
literature for its vividness and authenticity, we are brought 
close to the actors and know them for persons of flesh and 
blood. It is a moment of life long ago handed down still 
living to our own day. But the illumination ends. Once 
more we perceive through bad or fragmentary records only the 
outline of events ; the person of Demetrius recedes, becomes 
doubtful; the warm-blooded youth who hunted at Anagnia 
and drank carelessly with his friends we feel we know, but 
the King is far removed ; we can see the general figure of his 
public action, but what heart he now bears beneath it we are 
too far off to discern. 

The Carthaginian vessel touched at Tripolis on its way, 
and here Demetrius and his friends left it. In this Phoenician 
city Demetrius published his advent and assumed the diadem. 
The news travelled rapidly over Syria, and it soon appeared that 
Diodorus had not exaggerated the unpopularity of the present 
government. Everywhere the people rose for Demetrius. 
Almost automatically, and without, it would seera, a blow 
struck, he found himself master of the country. In Antioch 
the troops declared for him. They seized the sons of Antiochus 
Epiphanes^ and Lysias, and set off to deliver them up to 
Demetrius. Fresh from the open-hearted convivialities of his 
life in Rome, the young man had to begin the life of kingship 
with a deed of blood. There could be no question, from the 
point of view of the worldly politician, that the boy who had 
usurped the name of King Antiochus and the minister who 
had supported him must be put out of the way. Demetrius 
wished at any rate to have the thing done before he had any 
personal contact with his cousins. He sent a message to the 

' Polyb. xxxi. 20-28. 

^ T<A 'Atn-i&xov t4kvois, Polyb. xxxi. 12, 4. Antiochus Eupator must have 
had a brother whom Alexander Balas afterwards claimed to be. 

VOL. U ^ 


troops who were bringing their prisoners, " Show me not their 
faces." " And the army slew them. And Demetrius sat upon 
the throne of his kingdom," 162.^ 

In Syria the old regime collapsed instantly on the appear- 
ance of Demetrius, but in the eastern provinces Timarchus the 
Milesian, although unpopular, was not so easily displaced. 
When the system to which he belonged broke up, he followed 
the precedent of Molon and took the diadem. 

Whatever success Demetrius had won, he was dogged by the 
displeasure of Bome, an impalpable disability, but one which 
counted for a great deal in the East Timarchus, on the other 
hand, reckoned upon Some's friendship, not only because he 
was a counterpoise to Demetrius, but because he had often 
gone with his brother as ambassador to Eome in the days of 
Antiochus Epiphanes, and not a few of the Senators had 
swallowed his golden baits. Demetrius was hardly established 
in Syria when Timarchus appeared in Eome. He had come 
now to ask for a kingdom, to be recognized by Bome as King 
of the Medes. The Senate graciously handed him a piece of 
paper which announced that " as far as Rome was concerned 
Timarchus was King." ^ That was enough ; Timarchus went 
back happy with his piece of paper to display it to the other 
Eastern powers. Artaxias of Armenia, whom Antiochus 
Epiphanes had compelled a few years before to do homage to 
the Seleucid throne, gave Timarchus his alliance. The new 
King multiplied his forces. He subjugated many of the 
surrounding peoples.' 

Demetrius, who had set out in defiance of Eome, was not 
frightened by Timarchus' piece of paper, nor even by his 
military establishment. It would seem that Timarchus was 
advancing to the invasion of Syria, making for the Zeugma 
upon the Euphrates, when Demetrius encountered him. And 
once more at the advent of the Seleucid the ground gave way 

^ 1 Maco. 7, 1-4 ; 2 Mace. 14, 1 f. ; Joseph. Arch, xii. § 389 f. ; App. Syr. 
47 ; Eof. i. p. 268 ; Jay, EpU. zlvi. 

* TlfULpxoi' htKew aOrCip paaiKia eTvcu, Diod. xzxi. 27*. 

' Perliapfl the Persians, the Elymaeans, or the hill peoples of western Ir&n 
are meant Coins of Timarehns are fonnd with his head, diademed and smooth- 
shaven, after the Greek, not the Oriental, fashion, and the legend BA2IAE02 
M^rAAOT TIMAPXOT, B»beIon, p. oxr. 


under the feet of the rebeL Timarchus, who had followed the 
example of MoIod, shared his fate. In Babylonia, Demetrius 
was received with transports of joy. After the tyranny of 
the base man, Seleucia hailed the true King with the shout 
of Saviour. It is the surname by which he is known 
(about 160 V 

While Demetrius was fighting Timarchus, he also laboured 
to rid himself of the ban fastened upon him by Bome. Its 
practical inconvenience was seen when he attempted to renew 
the alliance with the Cappadocian court. Ariarathes V had 
been alienated by Lysias, and it might be thought that he 
would be ready to welcome the overthrower of that criminal 
administration. He was a man of whom our authorities speak 
highly, as having inherited from his mother Antiochis a love of 
Hellenic culture without her unscrupulous ambition. The 
Cappadocian court now for the first time attracted Greek men 
of letters. Ariarathes himself seems to have studied philosophy, 
and even applied its precepts to his practice. When discord 
broke out in the family which ruled Sophene — the house of 
Zariadris — the rival claimants betook themselves to the two 
neighbouring kings — Mithrobuzanes to Ariarathes, and the 
other to Artaxias of Armenia. Ariarathes brought back 
Mithrobuzanes into the principality with a Cappadocian army. 
Artaxias now proposed to him that they should each make 
away with his prot4g6 and divide Sophene between them. 
Ariarathes rejected the suggestion with loathing. Nay, more, 
his representations were so powerful with Artaxias, that the 
young man whom Artaxias had proposed to murder found 
himself treated with more courtesy than before.^ 

Demetrius, soon after coming to Syria, made overtures to 
his cousin, the king of Cappadocia. He offered him the hand 
of his sister. But Ariarathes thought to win the favour of 
Eome by repelling these advances. He refused the Seleucid 
princess. Naturally, any possibility of friendship between the 
two courts instantly vanished.^ 

* Diod. xxxL 27* ; Trogus, Prol, xxxiv. ; App. Syr, 47. There is a Babylonian 
inscription dated under Demetrius in the year 151, i.e. from April 161 to April 
160, Zeiischr.f, Assyr. viii. (1893), p. 110. 

« Diod. xxxi. 19, 8 ; 22 ; Polyb. xxxi. 17, 6 f. 

' Diod. xxxi. 28 ; Just. xxxt. 1, 2. 


Demetrius left nothing undone to conciliate £onian opinion. 
The embassy, headed by Tiberius Gracchus, dispatched in 162 
after his flight, arrived, perhaps not till the following year, in 
Cappadocia. It was here met by Menochares, the ambassador 
of Demetrius. Menochares was probably instructed to ascertain 
its intentions, and he returned to Antioch to report the result 
of his interview. Could Demetrius win the commission to his 
cause ? Fortunately Gracchus himself was well disposed to 
him, and Demetrius plied the envoys with fresh deputations 
before they reached Syria. They were met in Pamphylia, and 
again in Bhodes, with assurances that Demetrius would do 
everything to meet the wishes of Eome. Let only Rome utter 
the word "Bang Demetrius"! The friendship of Gracchus 
stood Demetrius in good stead. His report was favourable, 
and the momentous word was uttered. But Demetrius, 
although recognized as King, had not yet won confidence. In 
fact the Senate could not have confidence in any possessor of 
the Seleucid throne unless he were a nonentity.^ 

Envoys of Demetrius could now be received in Some, 
and immediately on his recognition (160) Demetrius sent 
Menochares to convey a "crown" of 10,000 gold pieces — a 
" thank-offering " for his nurture — and the slayer of Octavius. 
Beside Leptines, who had done the deed, there was sent the 
unhappy rhetorician, Isocrates, who had glorified it Leptiues 
maintained the calm confidence of the fanatic to the end. He 
had presented himself to Demetrius soon after his accession, 
begged bim to hold the city of Laodicea in no wise responsible 
for what had occurred, and stated that he was perfectly ready 
to go and convince the Senate that he had been inspired. His 
enthusiasm was so evidently genuine that it was deemed 
superfluous to fetter or guard him. Isocrates on the other 
hand was put into a wooden collar and chains, and abandoned 
himself to despair. Polybius, who describes the arrival of the 
pair in Some, writes no doubt of what he saw. Isocrates had 
hardly eaten for months. He made a marvellous figura For 
more than a year he had not washed or cut his hair or his 
nails. Through the matted growth which covered his head 
his eyes glared and rolled strangely. " A man who has lost 

^ Polyb. zxzii. 4. 


his humanity," the sententious historian observes in this 
connexion, "is more frightful than a beast." Leptines was 
still quite happy ; he felt quite sure that the Senate had only 
to hear him to set him free. 

The Senate was thrown into some embarrassment by the 
embassy, as they did not want to make up their quarrel with 
the Seleucid King. They decided, however, to receive the gold, 
but they refused the murderer. They did not at all want to 
seem, by executing justice, to have settled their score. They 
returned Demetrius a frigid answer: "he would meet with 
consideration if his conduct were satisfactory to the Senate." ^ 

This was high language; it might be thought to argue 
that the days of independent states in the eastern Medi- 
terranean were already numbered, that Syria was practically 
a province of Rome. But, as a matter of fact, we see in the 
period of nearly a hundred years, which opens with the return 
of Demetrius, a great waning of Roman influence. In 162 
Rome by its commissions dictated to Cappadocia, destroyed the 
material of war in the Seleucid kingdom, apportioned the 
dominions of the Ptolemies. It seemed on the point of 
assuming the formal sovereignty in these regions. But from 
the return of Demetrius its overt domination ceases. The 
eastern powers are once more left for the most part to their 
own devicea The family quarrels of the houses of Seleucus 
and Ptolemy are fought out with no interference from Rome, 
no repetition of the diplomacy of Popillius. 

The cause of this retrogression is the change which passed 
over the ruling aristocracy. In the day of adversity, when 
Hannibal was at the door, the Roman aristocracy had showed 
inflexible resolution; it was rapidly becoming corrupt and 
indolent in the day of prosperity. No settled policy could 
coexist with the corruption which became every day more 
flagrant. Decrees of the Senate could be procured by the 
highest bidder ; an offender against the majesty of Rome could 
buy himself off. The prestige of Rome was impaired when it 
was found to issue declarations which it did not enforce. It 
had given its countenance, if not its friendship, to Timarchus ; 
he had perished unsupported and unavenged. It had refused 

^ Polyb. xxxii. 6 ; Diod. xxxi. 29 and 30 ; App. Syr, 47. 


its countenance to Demetrius, and he had established himself 
without it. When Eome once more imposed its will upon the 
nations, the power was wielded by the aristocracy no longer. 
It was then in the hands of this or that great general, who 
used his legions for his own ends. It was the state of things 
which became regularized in the monarchy of the Caesars.^ 

But even during the period of oligarchic misrule Eome 
maintained a certain influence in the East, and that in two 
ways. In the first place, much of the prestige it had acquired 
by the overthrow of Antiochus III and of the Macedonian 
kingdom kept its hold upon the minds of men. The world 
is always ruled half by imagination. In the second place, 
the functions it had come to exercise as universal arbitrator 
and regulator gave it a commanding position for diplomatic 
intrigue, and without any overt intervention it could play off 
one potentate against another, promote all elements of intestine 
discord, and in fine make it very unpleasant for any one who 
had incurred its ill-will. Naturedly this subterranean infiuence 
of Bome may often be suspected rather than proved. 

The Senate continued therefore to trade upon the terror 
of the Boman name, to issue decrees and send out inter- 
minable commissions to arbitrate the affairs of the nations. 
Its countenance and favour continued to be worth seeking, 
and the ambassadors of eastern princes did not cease to bring 
their crowns of gold and elaborate flatteries. But at home the 
same princes took their own way with little restraint. 

Demetrius, with the friends of Home looking askance upon 
him, was thrown upon his own resources. But his resolution 
was only stiffened by his isolation. Was it impossible for a 
strong ruler to restore even now the Seleucid kingdom to 
strength, independence and glory ? 

The internal government of Demetrius Soter we can gauge 
by what took place in Judaea. An unstable compromise was 
what we saw result in that quarter from the feeble administra- 
tion of Lysias ; the Hasmonaean party had been left in power. 

^ The point of transitioa from the aristocratic to the personal system is marked 
by the Jn^nrthine War, where the oligarchy definitely fails to protect the com- 
mercial interests or uphold the prestige of Rome, and the work is taken ont of its 
hands and carried through by Marius. 


But it was quite obvious that the Hasmonaean house, stimu- 
lated by the glory it had won in the war for religion, would 
rest short of nothing but its own absolute supremacy within 
the Jewish state, and the emancipation of that state from 
any outside control. From the point of view of a statesman 
whose object was to hold together the Seleucid kingdom, the 
Hasmonaean house must certainly be deposed. A statesman 
would, of course, spare in every possible way the religious 
sensibilities of the Jews, but to leave the Hasmonaean house 
in power would be blind folly. His task would be the easier 
in that the object for which the Hasmonaeans now contended — 
their own supremacy — did not command the same passionate 
adherence on the part of the more earhest spirits of the nation 
that the cause of religion had dona The Hasidtm were 
satisfied if the Law was safe. 

These considerations perhaps hardly needed to be pressed 
upon Demetrius by the man who soon after his accession 
presented himself in Antioch. He called himself Alcimus, 
after the sound of his Hebrew name Jakim. He belonged to 
the priestly tribe, the house of Aaron, and he was come to 
claim the high-priesthood from King Demetrius. According 
to one account he had already at some period in those days of 
confusion officiated as High-priest^ But he had associated 
himself with the Hellenists, and since the Hasmonaeans had 
got the upper hand had been driven out of the country 
together with every other prominent person of that party. 
Alcimus had a long story of all that the friends of the 
Seleucid government had sufiered at the hands of their 
countrymen ; it was easy for him to convince the King that a 
government which abandoned its adherents was not likely to 
serve its own cause. Bacchides was charged to instate Alcimus 
as High-priest in Jerusalem by military force.^ 

Alcimus came to Jerusalem as the legitimate High-priest 
of the family of Aaron. Possibly the functions had been 
usurped of late by the Hasmonaean brethren. If so, it would 
account for the fact that their old associates, the Hasidim, had 
been stumbled by this violation of the Mosaic order, and were 

^ 2 B£acc. 14, 3. ^ See Appendix K. 


prepared to receive the Aaronic High-priest with good-will.^ 
Their only stipulation was that the blood-feud between the 
two parties should not now be continued by reprisals upon 
those faithful to the Law. This condition Alcimus thought it 
politic to agree to, and equally politic to violate soon after. 
He thought the opposition would be broken by a fresh pro- 
scription. Bacchides also did some killing on his own account 
before leaving.* The anti-Hasmonaean party, who had been 
scattered abroad, flocked home again.* 

Judas and the nationalists had been driven out of Jeru- 
salem, but they had not been crushed. They were still at 
large, and their flying raids made them a terror in the open 
country. It became unsafe for the partizans of the High-priest 
to venture outside the walled towns. Alcimus felt the sc€tle 
turning against him, and within twelve months of his instate- 
ment carried a fresh appeal to Antioch.^ 

The task of crushing the Hasmonaeans was entrusted by 
Demetrius to Nicanor, whom one seems to see through the 
more or less distorting medium of our Jewish records as a 
blufiF, outspoken, simple-hearted man.* He began by inviting 
Judas to a personal interview ; and when the Jewish patriot 
and the Macedonian captain came face to face, the result was 
that the two men became friends. In Jerusalem, Nicanor gave 
the nationalists his favour. His idea seems to have been that 
if they were not worried, the Hasmonaean brethren would 
follow his advice to settle down in quiet domestic life, and 
everything would go happily. He dismissed the levies from 
the neighbouring countries whom he had gathered about him. 
Judas showed himself openly in Jerusalem by Nicanor*s side, 

^ 1 Mace. 7, 13. Needless difficulties, as it appears to me, have been made 
as to the seeming contradiction of 2 Mace. 14, 6, where Alcimus identifies the 
Hasidlm with the Hasmonaean party. They had attached themselves to the 
Hasmonaean party in the religious war, and such an association naturally would 
not come to an end suddenly, but by a gradual estrangement which caused for 
some time a certain ambiguity in their position. 

» 1 Mace. 7, 19. » 2 Mace. 14, 14. * 1 Mace. 7. 21 f. 

^ He may very probably have been the Nicanor who commanded the expedi- 
tion against the Jews in 166-165. According to Joseph. Arch. xii. § 402, he was 
the Nicanor who had shared in Demetrius' flight from Rome. But one suspects 
that Josephus had nothing to go upon, except that he knew from Polybius that a 
Nicanor had been on that occasion with Demetrius. 


and indeed, we are told, took a wife, as Nicanor wished, and 
began family life.^ 

The turn things were taking could not but be very disquiet- 
ing to Alcimus. It can hardly be doubted that he was justified 
in questioning the possibility of " killing home rule by kind- 
ness." On his representations to the court an order came to 
Nicanor to apprehend Judas and send him a prisoner to 
Antioch. This was hard on Nicanor, but he was a soldier 
and knew his duty. He was, however, too transparent for 
Judas not to divine at once by his manner what had happened. 
Judas instantly vanished, and Nicanor found himself placed in 
an ugly position with regard to the court. He had no idea 
of how to attain his object except by direct vehemence, apid 
he felt sure that the priests were secretly in league with Judas. 
He knew at any rate that it was through the Temple and the 
sacred ritual that the Jews' most sensitive point could be 
reached. To the Temple he went, and ordered the priests, 
whom he found officiating, to deliver Judas into his hands. 
Naturally he was only answered by blank looks and protesta- 
tions of ignorance. He believed that this was all cunning, 
and then took place that scene which stamped itself upon the 
recollection of the Jews — Nicanor standing in the Temple 
court, his arm stretched out toward the House of the Lord, 
and protesting that if the man were not given up he would 
lay it even with the ground and erect in its plawse a temple to 

Meanwhile Judas was gathering his forces in the country, 
and Nicanor presently learnt that the man he was ordered to 
seize was surrounded by his armed bands. There was nothing 
for it but to go out and engage him in battle. But Nicanor 
had dismissed a great part of his troops ; he was obliged to 
rely to a certain extent upon the Jewish levies who followed 
him by constraint. And these were an obstacle rather than a 
help. They refused to attack when ordered to do so on the 
Sabbath, and talked to him about the Sovereign in heaven. 
" And I," cried the plain man in extremity, " am a sovereign 
on earth, who command you to take up your arms and do the 
King's business." 

1 2 Maco. 14, 12 t 


With such forces as these Nicanor closed with the bands 
on Judas at Adasa (about 3^ miles north-east of Beth-horon) 
on the 13 th of Adar (March) 161. The victory of Judas 
was signal and complete. Nicanor was found on the field 
" lying dead in full armour." His head and the arm which he 
had stretched out against the Temple were cut ofiT and carried 
by Judas in triumph to Jerusalem to be hung up over against 
the sanctuary. It was the last victory of Judas, and, in respect 
of the high standing of Nicanor, his greatest. The anniversary 
of the battle was kept as a day of rejoicing. It is only within 
the last few centuries that the Jews have forgotten " Nicanor*s 
day." ^ 

It was significant of the transference of the nationalist 
struggle from the plane of religious enthusiasm to that of 
worldly policy that Judas now looked about for a foreign 
alliance. And, like Timarchus, he looked to Rome. Bome 
had not yet in 161 recognized Demetrius as King. Eupolemus 
and Jason, two members of the nationalist party who had 
nevertheless learnt to speak Greek, were sent to declare to the 
Senate the desire of the Jewish people for separation from the 
Seleucid kingdom, and to invoke the influence of Some on 
their behalf. The Senate, welcoming at this moment any 
opportunity of furthering the disintegration of the kingdom of 
Demetrius, concluded an alliance with " the nation of the 
Jews," which yet was so framed as to leave Rome a loophole 
of escape from its obligations should they prove inconvenient* 

Before, however, the efiect of the Jewish embassy could be 
known in Syria, Demetrius had disconcerted all the designs of 
the nationalists by his promptitude of action. There was now 
a government which was not put off its purpose by a single 
check. No sooner was the news of Nicanor's disaster come 
to Antioch than an adequate army under Bacchides was sent 
to deal with the situation. About a month after the battle 
of Adasa, Bacchides was in Jerusalem (April 161). The 
nationalists were perfectly aware of the different character of 
this expedition, and their self-confidence deserted them. When 
Bacchides established his camp in Berea (Bi'r-az-Zait, north-west 

^ 1 Mace. 7, 83 f. ; 2 Mace 14, 26 f. ; of. Niese, KrUik, p. 85 f. 

* See Appendix L. 


of Gophna ?) the bands of Judas began to melt away. The 
tactics of the King's general reduced him to the alternative of 
flight or the risking of an immediate battle. Judas, in spite 
of the entreaties of his friends, disdained the former, and with 
forlorn heroism his little band charged the royal army. At 
the end of the day Judas himself lay dead upon the field of 
Eleasa. His last followers were scattered in flight. Demetrius 
had taken speedy recompense for Nicanor.^ 

Alcimus, who since the battle of Adasa had fled to Antioch, 
was now once more restored to power in Jerusalem. The 
anti-Hasmonaean party came again into the ascendant. But 
the vital problem — that of subjugating the country districts, 
where the Hasmonaean power had its roots — required more 
drastic measures than had hitherto been used. The organiza- 
tion of the country in the government interest must succeed 
the dispersion of the rebels, and the wandering remnants of 
the bands of Judas be cleared out of it. Bacchides chose 
members of the party of the High-priest to rule in the country 
with the King's authority, and to track down on the spot the 
adherents of the Hasmonaeans.^ Jonathan, Simon and John, 
the brothers of Judas, were still alive to take the place of the 
fallen leader. They drew off with their followers into the 
wilderness of Tekoah, the bare pastoral country by the Dead 
Sea, and mingled in the petty warfare of Arab or Ammonite 
tribes, which went on without interference from the government 
in these regions. The Jewish bands raided, and were them- 
selves raided, by turns; they lost one of their leaders, the 
Hasmonaean John, in some obscure affray. Bacchides attempted 
to follow them up and exterminate them, but they escaped 
across the marshes where the Jordan falls into the Dead Sea. 
The wilderness has in all ages limited the success of the royal 
governments in Asia.* 

But Judaea at any rate Bacchides cleared of rebels, and he 
adopted the only measure likely to ensure permanent tranquillity 
— ^planting strong posts around all its approjwshes. The akra 
in Jerusalem, Gezer and Beth-sur, where garrisons already sat, 
were furnished with fresh supplies and strengthened. New 
posts were fixed at Bethel, on the northern entrance into 

» 1 Mace. 9, 1 f. » Ibid, 9, 28. » Ibid. 9, 28 f. 


Judaea from Samaria, at Emmaus and Beth-horon to guard the 
western defiles, at Jericho to command the ascent from the 
Jordan vallej, and in certain other places whose sites cannot 
be identified.^ As an additional security the sons of the 
principal men were lodged in the dkra. Bacchides then returned 
home. The aspect of Judaea with its chain of military posts 
itself declared the difference between the government of 
Demetrius and that of Lysias. 

As for Alcimus, he did not enjoy his elevation long. He 
died, just before Bacchides left Judaea, of a paraljrtic stroke. 
His countrymen saw in this a judgment for his impiety in 
beginning some alterations in the Temple buildings which 
involved a disturbance of the " works of the prophets." ^ 

In 160, as we saw, Demetrius obtained the recognition, 
though not the favour, of Bome. The principle once given 
him by Poly bins, " Do boldly, and Eome will acquiesce in the 
accomplished fact," seemed to have been justified by its success. 
And if he had got his kingdom in spite of Rome's veto, it 
was possible that the veto might be as safely disregarded in 
an attempt to restore the Seleucid influence in lands whence 
it had been excluded since Antiochus the Great King. On the 
north the Cappadocian kingdom adjoined the Seleucid across 
the barrier of the Taurus. To make Cappadocia once more a 
vassal state would be a great step towards the recovery of 
Asia Minor. Beside this, Demetrius had to show Ariarathes 
that a Seleucid princess could not be slighted with impunity 
even by a friend of Bome. The situation in Cappadocia soon 
of itself invited interference. 

If there is one characteristic feature of this final period 
of decline in the kingdoms of the Nearer East which were 
formed out of the break-up of Alexander's Empire it is the 
universal domestic quarrels. We have just seen how the 
quarrel of Philometor and Euergetes in Egypt gave an opening 
for Roman interference. The domestic wars of a kingdom are 

' The conjectures are given in SchUrer's note i. p. 224. 

'^ 1 Mace. 9, 50 f. ; Scliiirer (i. p. 225, note 6) points out that the offence 
lay in his removing the wall which soyered the inner court from the common 
ground outside. 


invariably used at this time by its neighbours for their own 
advantage. A principal weapon one power employs against 
another is a rival claimant. 

A quarrel broke out in the royal house of Cappadocia. 
Ariarathes V had, as we saw,^ two elder brothers, or putative 
brothers, one of whom, Orophernes, had been educated in Ionia. 
Demetrius entered into an agreement with Orophernes to set 
him instead of Ariarathes upon the Cappadocian throne for 
the sum of 1000 talents.^ Once more, therefore, a Seleucid 
army appeared north of the Taurus and drove the king of 
Cappadocia from his throne. Orophernes was successfully 
instated in his place. 

Ariarathes carried his cry to Bome, but there also came 
ambassadors from Orophernes and ambassadors from Demetrius 
to tell a very different story from that told by Ariarathes to 
the Senate. The Senate, of course, had no means of judging 
what was true, but the multitude of voices told more forcibly 
than the one, and the fugitive King made but a poor figure to 
the gorgeous ambassadors (157 B.C.). The Senate decided 
haphazard that Ariarathes and Orophernes should divide the 
kingdom between them. And even so it does not appear to 
have done more than issue a paper decree.^ 

Demetrius had reached the zenith of his fortunes. The 
eyes of the eastern kings began to be fixed with alarm upon 
the resuscitated power. There was once more a man on the 
throne of Seleucus who did as he would in the East, who 
helped more effectually than Rome, and against whom the 
protection of Rome availed nothing. There were many men 
living who remembered the days of Antiochus the Great King 
before Rome had intervened in the East, and now that the 
vigour of Rome seemed to be waning, was it impossible that 
the grandson of Antiochus might yet again restore the Seleucid 
Empire ? 

But no personal ability and vigour in Demetrius could 
compensate for some of the essential weaknesses in his position. 
Philip of Macedon could make a strong state because he had 
the hardy Macedonian stock to build upon as a foundation ; 
but what empire could be based upon the hybrid population 

* Page 157. ^ App. Sj^r. 47. ^ Polyb. xxxii. 24 ; App. Shpr. 47, 


of Syria, pleasure-loving and fickle, in whom Greek lightness 
and Oriental indolence were combined ? Demetrius had none 
of the unfastidious bonhomie of his uncle Antiochus. He was 
not, as we saw in Eome, averse to conviviality, but he made 
distinctions as to his company. He despised the race which 
was found in Antioch and the Syrian cities, and did not take 
pains to conceal what he felt. Naturally this did not make 
him popular. Antiochus Epiphanes had been a typical re- 
presentative in his character and manners of Syrian Hellenism ; 
the Antiochenes had felt him one of themselves, but Demetrius 
withdrew from contact with them ; he built himself a square 
tower outside Antioch, wherein he sat inaccessible to brood over 
schemes of conquest. His eagle face, rarely shown, his havieur, 
his demand upon them for serious national effort, vexed the 
Syrians and made them ripe for revolt.^ 

There was also another circumstance against him, that the 
neighbouring kings, however much they may have disliked 
their position as vassals of Home, much preferred it to being 
vassals of the Seleucid King. Bome was farther off and 
apparently growing indolent. In proportion as Demetrius 
grew strong there was added to disaffection at home hostility 
abroad. Orophernes only might be counted his ally, and had 
Fate given him in Orophernes an ally of any worth, things 
might have taken a very different course. But Orophernes 
proved a ruler of the worst kind. He wrung all the money 
he could from the country by the most violent extortion, and 
lavished what he got upon favourites and stranger& His 
manners, acquired in Ionia, outraged the feelings of the 
Cappadocian barons. He trampled upon their religious and 
moral traditions, and they were shocked to see him following 
wild and dissolute cults unknown to their fathers. It was 
impossible that the protig6 of Demetrius should hold his 
throne long.* 

In Pergamos the interference of Demetrius in Cappadocia 
had been very ill received. Eumenes ' at once struck a blow 

^ Joseph. Arch. xiii. § 85 f. ; Diod. xxxi. 32* ; Just. zxxv. 1, 8 ; xxxvL 1,1. 
s Polyb. xzxu. 25 ; Diod. zxxi. 82. 

' Diod. 8SJ8 Eumenes, and the reception of Alexander by Zenophanes ii 
ezpiiLined by his friendship to Eumenes, as if he were stiU aliye. Ck>nsiderations 



on his own account. We have seen that one of the chief 
weapons with which a king was attacked was a rival claimant. 
The world soon learnt that the second son of Antiochus 
Epiphanes, Alexander, had been secretly conveyed away when 
Eupator was put to death, had been discovered by Eumenes 
in Smyrna, brought to Pergamos, and there crowned with the 
diadem as the genuine Seleucid King. On the other hand 
the court of Antioch asserted, and many well-informed persons 
believed, that it was a trick of Eumenes, who had bethought 
him of supplying the required claimant artificially, and had 
picked out some good-looking boy of fourteen who bore an 
accidental resemblance to the late King of Syria.^ Eumenes 
sent the boy on to Cilicia, placing him under the protection of 
Zenophanes, a chieftain friendly to himself who maintained 
in the hills his independence against the Seleucid government. 
Here Alexander was like the sword of Damocles over the 
head of Demetriua Zenophanes industriously circulated the 
report that the son of Antiochus was about to cross the 
Amanus to claim his own. The expectation served to keep 
alive the unrest in Syria. At the same time, should any out- 
break occur, Alexander was at hand.^ 

Almost immediately after his elevation of Alexander. 
Eumenes died (159). But his brother, Attains II Philadelphus, 
who succeeded him,^ prosecuted his plans against Demetrius 
with vigour. When it appeared two years later that Rome 
was not prepared to give Ariarathes anything but platonic 
benevolence, Attains invited him to return to Asia and avail 
himself of a more effectual champion. Ariarathes was glad 
enough to do so. But his journey home was not imattended 
with danger. The ambassadors of Orophernes dogged him 
from Rome, and in Gorcyra formed a design to kill him ; but 
Ariarathes was beforehand with them, and they were dead men 

of chronology make modem writers anhesit&tiu^ly write Attalus for Eumenes in 
the beginning of the passage of Diodoms. Eumenes died in 159 ; it was not till 
168 that Ariarathes arrived in Rome (Miiller, F.H.O. ii. p. xiL note). But it 
does not appear to me impossible that the invasion of Cappadocia by Demetrius 
may have taken place before Eumenes died in 159, and the recognition of 
Alexander have been one of the last actions of his life. 

1 See Appendix M. ' Diod. xxxi. d2». 

* Wiloken in Pauly-Wiannoa, ii. p. 2171, s.v. *' AtUlos, No. VO." 


before their plot had come to a head. Again at Corinth 
agents of Orophemes were about him, and he had a hair's- 
breadth escape.^ 

Attains escorted him with Pergamene troops to Cappadocia, 
the Senate perhaps blessing the enterprise from afar.^ The 
power of Orophemes was already tottering. Not only had he 
alienated his subjects, but he had no money left, after his 
lavish expenditure, to pay his mercenaries. They were on the 
brink of mutiny. In this extremity he pillaged the great 
temple of the Cappadocian Zeus on Mount Ariadne, which 
had been inviolate from time immemorial. On the attack of 
Attains his defence collapsed. He fled to Antioch and 
Ariarathes was reinstated in the kingdom.^ 

Demetrius had encountered an ominous check in Asia 
Minor. Two fragments of Polybius throw a momentary light 
upon his schemes in another direction. The island of Cyprus, 
long coveted by the Seleucid kings, was about this time the 
battle-ground of the two brother Ptolemies. Demetrius sent 
a secret ofiFer to Archias, who commanded there for Philometor, 
of 500 talents and high honours at the Seleucid court if he 
would put the island into his hands (154). Archias consented, 
but before the arrangement could be carried out, the plot was 
discovered by Philometor, and Archias was arrested. He 
hanged himself with the rope of a curtain. Demetrius had 
turned another cousin into an enemy.^ 

The smouldering discontent in Syria was receiving fresh 
fuel. We have a record of one of the incidents which served 
to increase it. Among the condottieri in the King's service 
at Antioch was a certain Andriscus of Adramyttium, who 
professed to be the son of Perseus,^ called himself Philip, and 
expressed his hope of being restored by Demetrius, "his 

1 Diod. xxxi 82»>. 

^ '* Ariarathes, Cappadociae rex, consilio Demetrii regis Syriae et viribus 
pulsuB regno, a aenatu (!) restitntua est, Liv. JSpit. xlviL 

» Diod. xxxi 84 ; Polyb. iii. 6, 2 ; xxxiL 22, 8 ; Just xxxv. 1, 2. 

* Polyb. xxxiii. 6. 

B Wilcken holds that his alleged mother was Laodice, the sister of Demetrius, 

and reads accordingly "ex Laodice" for "ex peilice" in Liv. ^nt, xlix. His 

ground appears to be that Andriscus claimed the help of Demetrius dtd rd yivot 

(Zonaras iz. 28). But there were earlier connexions between the houses of 

AntigonuB and -^eleucus, as Demetrius by his Antigonid name bore witness. 


kinsman," to the throne of his fathers.. He roused a strong 
sensational interest in the populace of Antioch, and calls began 
to come to Demetrius from the " Macedonians " of the street 
that he should set King Philip in the ancestral kingdom. It 
was not the defect of Demetrius to lack enterprise, but he 
treated this demand with the contempt it deserved. Then the 
clamour grew ; crowds surged about the palace doors. A cry 
arose that Demetrius must restore his cousin or give up the 
pretence of being a king. Demetrius saw he must take drastic 
steps. He caused Andriscus to be seized at night and sent to 
Rome (about 15 1-1 50V 

The isolation of Demetrius became daily more patent. 
Even Orophernes, residing at Antioch under his protection, 
conceived the idea of turning the general sedition to his own 
profit and supplanting his patron. He entered into secret 
negotiations with the leaders of the Antiochene mob. 
Demetrius penetrated his designs, and put him under close 
guard at Seleucia, upon the loyalty of which town he could 
perhaps better depend. As the rival claimant to Cappadocia 
he might again be useful some day, and was therefore not put 
to death.2 

But already the danger from Alexander, the would-be son 
of Antiochus, had taken a far more menacing form. He was 
no longer threatening from the Cilician hills. In the summer 
of 153 he had appeared in Rome with Laodice, the daughter 
of Antiochus. They were conducted by the old intriguer, 
Heraclides of Miletus, who had now the grateful task of 
damaging his brother's destroyer. For a long time the party 
resided in Rome, making such a figure as was best calculated 
to impress public opinion before Heraclides thought the 
psychological moment come to approach the Senate. Nor 
did he during that time forget the old art by which he heul 
made his way in Rome. At last the two children of Antiochus 
were brought before the Senate. Alexander spoke first — a 
formal speech about the cordial relations which had subsisted 
between his father and Rome, and so on. Then Heraclides 

^ Diod. zzxi. 40^ ; Liv. EpU. xl?iii. xlix. ; Zonaras ix. 28. See Wilcken, 
Pauly-Wissotoa^ i. p. 2142, «.». " Andriskos, No. 4." 

^ JOBt. XXXY. 1, 3 f. 

VOL. II ^ 


made a moving oration. He began with an encomium of 
Antiochns Epiphanes, went on to denoimce Demetrius, and 
finally delivered an appeal in the lofty name of Justice for 
the restoration of the true-bom issue of the late King. It was 
all beautifully staged, and the Senate was immensely impressed. 
Only a few of the shrewder heads, Polybius says, saw through 
the business. A decree was made to the effect: "Whereas 
Alexander and Laodice, the children of a king who was 
sometime our friend and ally, have approached the Senate 
and represented their cause, the Senate has given them 
authority to return to the kingdom of their father, and has 
decreed that they shall receive assistance, as they have required." 
It was a triumph for Heraclides. He returned to Asia with 
his charges, and fixed his headquarters at Ephesus, to prepare 
for the invasion of Sjrria. The condottieri of most renown in 
the Hellenic world received a summons to take service under 
a king approved by Eoma^ 

The children of Antiochus would not want for allies. The 
policy of Demetrius had brought about a coalition against him 
of his three neighbour kings. Attains, Ariarathes and Ptolemy 
Philometor. Alexander was "girt with the might of all the 
(Nearer) East."^ And Demetrius had no security at home. 
Antioch was almost in open rebellion. That he knew how 
desperate the struggle was which lay before him is shown by 
his sending two of his sons, Demetrius and Antiochus, out of 
the country. 

The first move in the attack was for Alexander to make a 
descent upon the coast town of Ptolema'is. It was held by the 
garrison of Demetrius, but they had been infected by the 
prevailing sedition and opened to Alexander.^ Alexander had 
thus got a footing in his " paternal realm," and in Ptolemtns he 
set up his rival court till his cause should have made further 
progress. There were now two kings in the country, each 
bidding for the support of its various communities and races. 

^ Polyb. zxxiii. 18. Reinaoh supposes that it was the Laodice in question 
here, a genuine daughter of Antiochus Epiphanes, who afterwards married 
Mithridates Euergetes of Pontus, and was the mother of the great Mithridates 
{MUhridaU Eupator, p. 61, note 1). Mithridates, the grandson of Antiochus 
Epiphanes ! It makes an interesting question of heredity. 

' JuBt zzxY. 1, 9. > 1 Maoc 10, 1 f. ; Joseph. Arch. xiiL § Sfi. 


Our scanty authorities do not permit a connected narrative 
of the war. The Book of Maccabees and Josephus, who 
follows it, make no mention of the allied kings at all. But 
the expressions of Justin, Appian and Eusebius imply that the 
allied kings took a principal part.^ In the first battle, Justin 
says, Demetrius was victorious. Possibly Alexander risked a 
battle with his mercenaries before his allies arrived upon the 
scene.^ In the final battle Demetrius had, no doubt, the whole 
forces of the coalition against him. Undaunted to the end, he 
was still able to make a good fight His left wing routed the 
enemy's right, and pursued it for a long way, inflicting heavy 
loss. Even the camp of the enemy was sacked. But the 
right, where Demetrius himself was, gave way. He found 
himself almost alone among the enemy. In those days of 
close fighting, a single expert horseman could do some damage. 
But, charging hither and thither, Demetrius rode his horse into 
some boggy ground, where it plunged and threw him. Then 
the enemy made a ring about him, and he became the mark 
for missiles from aU sides. Showing no sign of surrender, he 
sank at last full of wounds, dying worthily of the race of 
fighters from which he sprang (150).^ 

* Just. XXXV. 1,6; App. Syr. 67 ; Ens. i. p. 256. 
^ This seems borne out by Justin's "regibus bellum restituentibus." 
' Joseph. Arch, xiii. § 58 f. ; Just. xxxy. 1, 10 f. The original source of 
both accounts was not improbably Polybius. The year in which Alexander Balas 
succeeded Demetrius is proved by the coins to have been 162 aer. Sel., since there 
are coins of both kings with that date. The year mentioned goes from October 
151 to October 150, and the campaign would hardly have begun till the spring 
of 150. 



The chief part in overthrowing Demetrius and bringing in 
Alexander had been taken by Ptolemy Philometor.^ It had 
been shown abundantly how dangerous to the Egyptian realm 
an ambitious and enterprising Seleucid king was likely to be. 
Philometor had therefore supported Alexander with the design 
of having upon the Seleucid throne some one entirely subser- 
vient to himself, of establishing a dominant interest in Syria. 
Attains and Ariarathes, who simply wished to secure them- 
selves from aggression on the side of Syria, were probably 
quite agreeable to a settlement which left the country in this 
sort of informal dependence upon the Ptolemaic crown. Im- 
mediately Alexander was in his seat, Philometor caused him 
to marry his daughter Cleopatra. Just as her grandmother, 
the Seleucid Cleopatra, had been married hedf a century before 
to Ptolemy Epiphanes in order to promote the Seleucid interest 
in Egypt, so she was now sent to the Seleucid court by the 
son of Ptolemy Epiphanes to confirm his ascendancy over 
Syria. And her rdle in the country would indeed be a 
principal one some day, for in the person of the young princess 
Destiny was introducing the Erinys of the house of Seleucus. 
She was received by the bridegroom at Ptolemaas, whither 
she had been escorted by her father. There the marriage was 
celebrated " with great pomp, as the manner of kings is." ^ 

As for the Syrians, they hailed a new king with delight 
The handsome, genial youth of twenty-three was a happy ex- 
change for the eagle face and proud aloofness of Demetrius. 

1 App. Syr. 67. ^ 1 Mace. 10, 51 f. 


He would not turn a dark brow upon their easy, festive life, 
or harass the country by bringing it into continual collisions 
with its neighbours. His relations with all the powers were 
extremely friendly. The three neighbour kings had been his 
supporters. Borne had smiled upon his enterprise. 

So Alexander, whoever he was, sat as king upon the throne 
of Seleucus. He bore the surnames of Theopator Euergetes. 
For these two we sometimes find Epiphanes Nicephorus, those 
of his (alleged) father, or Eupator, the surname of his brother.^ 
But the name by which he was known in the mouth of the 
people was Balas? 

It is impossible to gauge the extent or form of the 
Ptolemaic ascendancy. It seems to be implied that the seat 
of the Seleucid court was now usually at Ptolemais,' where it 
would be in closer touch with Alexandria, The silver money 
minted in the King's name in the Phoenician cities was assimi- 
lated to the standard of Egypt ^ instead of to the Attic, which 
was the ordinary standard for Seleucid money, and it bore for 
emblem the Ptolemcuc eagle.^ 

As a ruler Alexander proved himself utterly worthless. He 
fell under the dominion of mistresses and favourites,* while the 
government was abandoned to the prime minister Ammonius/ 
who made himself detested by his crimes. The minister's 
jealousy raged like fire in the court. All possible rivals among 
the Friends were removed by a series of murders. Among 

^ BabeloQ, p. cxxiy. Babelon expreiises a doubt .whether ETIIATOPOS on 
the British Museum coin has been correctly read, and opiues that it is a dis- 
figured 6E0nAT0P02. Mr. G. F. Hill has showed me the coin ; ETnATOPOZ 
is plain enough. Mr. Hill tells me the reading is beyond question. 

' SchUrer (i. p. 227, note 11) thinks that this was his original name, citing 
Just xxxT. 1, 6, '* subornant propalam [leg. Balam] quendam, extremae sortis 
iuvenem.*' But if Balas is a name of Syrian origin, it is surely more likely that 
it was given Alexander in Syria. 

' 1 Mace. 10, 68. Alexander returns to Antioch. Josephus in his para- 
phrase says U rri% ^owUris {Areh. xiii. § 87). 

* The "PhcBnician" standard. 

* Babelon, p. cxxy. Ptolemy struck money in his own name at Ptolemais in 
161, aer. SeL = 152-151 b.c. [ibid, p. cxxvi]. But this does not imply the assump- 
tion of sovereignty in the country. Antiochus Epiphanes, as we saw, struck 
money in his own name in Egypt while supporting the claims of Philometor. 

* Just XXXV. 2, 2. 

^ His name suggests an Egyptian origin. 


his victims were Laodice, either the queen of Antiochus 
Epiphanes (and therefore the putative mother of Alexander) 
or the queen of Demetrius, and Antigonus, one of the sons of 
Demetrius, whom he had not sent out of Syria.^ The govern- 
ment of Antioch itself was given over to two favourites, Hierax 
and Diodotus.^ 

A page from the lost work of Athenaeus which dealt with 
the Seleucid kings ^ gives a momentary vision of the court of 
Alexander Balas. Among the royal favourites was a certain 
Diogenes, from the Babylonian Seleucia, who had some standing 
as an exponent of the Epicurean philosophy. The King, who 
amused himself with philosophic discussion, preferred the doc- 
trine of the Stoics (!). But he found Diogenes very good company, 
for the man had a daring, pungent wit, and did not spare 
even the royal family when he could make matter for a jest 
One day Diogenes told Alexander that he was resolved to be 
the priest of Virtue (his life, of course, was outrageous), and he 
asked leave to wear in that character a crimson vestment and 
a golden crown with a figure of Virtue in the middle of it. 
Alexander was charmed with the idea, and himself made 
Diogenes a present of the crown. In a few days the philo- 
sopher had given the things away to a singing girl, his latest 
passion. It came to the ears of Alexander. He at once made 
a banquet for philosophers and men of note, and invited 
Diogenes. When he presented himself, the King begged him 
to put on his vestment and his crown before taking his couch. 
Diogenes made some vague excuse, and at that the King 
waved his hand. Instantly a troop of players came in, and 
among them the singing girl, crowned with the crown of 
Virtue, and wearing the crimson dress. A shout of laughter 
went up from the company, but the philosopher was not put 
out of countenance. The more the company laughed, the more 
he faced them out with the girl's praises.^ 

But this life of laughter — with the sinister background 
of murder — could not go on long when stronger hands than 
Alexander's were ready to seize the inheritance. In three 
years the Syrians were tired of him, and they hated Am- 

1 Liv. EpiL 1. « Diod. xxxiii 8. 

' Utpi tQw ip Xvpl^ ^CKawiimnf, ^ Athen. v. 211 a. 


monius. They began to want a genuine king again. Alex- 
ander was thoroughly popular only in one quarter — with the 
Jews. The Jews liked him J:>ecause he left them alone. 

We must observe what had happened in Judaea since we 
last saw it, subjugated by Bacchides and pegged down with 
strong military posts. 

Two years after that date {i.e, in 158) the Seleucid govern- 
ment had withdrawn its ban from the Hasmonaean party. This 
change in its attitude is so impolitic that we want some further 
explanation than that given by the Jewish book which is our 
only authority.^ It is there represented as due to the vexation of 
Bacchides, who had been called in by the Hellenistic party to 
seize the Hasmonaean leaders, which they assured him could be 
easily done — only to find that he was involved in the fruitless 
siege of some stronghold in the wilderness.^ Whatever the 
motive of the change of policy, the government apparently, in 
the person of Bacchides, made peace with the Hasmonaeans, 
granted them an amnesty, and liberated those of their 
adherents (except, of course, the hostages) whom they held 
prisoners. Jonathan, Simon and their followers were allowed 
to return to Judaea, although Jerusalem and the chain of forti- 
fied towns remained in possession of the government. But 
when once the brothers of Judas were back in the country 
and countenanced by the government, the party grew daily in 
strength, commanding as it did the sympathy of the mass of 
the people. It came to be once more — de facto, at any rate — 
the dominant power in the Juda^an countryside. With his 
headquarters at Michmas, Jonathan steadily advanced his 
power at the expense of the Hellenizing Council' which sat in 
Jerusalem. The formal deficiencies of his position — his lack of 
recognized title, his exclusion from the capital — were never- 
theless sensible. Jonathan could not feel his object attained 
till he ruled as High-priest in Jerusalem." 

Quite new prospects opened out for the nationalist Jews 
in 152, when there were two rival kings in the land. This 
condition of things will recur over and over again, and we 
shall now see the Hasmonaean power growing, not so much by 

^ Josephus, of course, simply paraphrases 1 Mace. 
« 1 Mace 9, 58 f. » Ibid, 9, 71 f. 


its own strength, as by the favours of those who bid against each 
other for its support. Its growth is the work of the Gentile 
kings themselves. The conditions will be entirely different 
from those under which Judas fought and died. 

Jonathan, who had become by 152 the real ruler of Judaea, 
found both Demetrius and Alexander willing to give almost 
any price for his support. The two immediate objects of the 
Hasmonaeans were the recovery of Jerusalem and the acqui- 
sition of the high-priesthood. Demetrius, beforehand with his 
ofiTers, conceded the first Jonathan was authorized to take 
possession of Jerusalem, the ahra excepted, and to form a 
Jewish army. The hostages in the akra were restored. In 
the stress of the war between the two kings the garrisons 
were withdrawn or fled from all Bacchides' chain of posts, 
except the akra and Beth-sur, where a number of the 
Hellenizers had taken refuga 

Jonathan used the concession of Demetrius to the full, and 
at once set about refortifying the city. Again a nationalist 
stronghold confronted the akra} 

Alexander proceeded to outbid Demetrius by conceding 
the second point He authorized Jonathan to assume the 
supreme oflice, the high-priesthood. At the Feast of Taber- 
nacles in Tishri (October) 152,^ Jonathan appeared for the first 
time in the robes of his sacred ofSce. At last the brother of 
Judas MaccabaevB had attained the coveted prize — as the gift 
of a heathen king ! Jonathan was also admitted by Alexander 
to the order of Friends.' 

When the marriage of Alexander and Cleopatra was cele- 
brated in Ptolemals, and the town gave itself up to festivity at 
the presence of two kings, the Jewish High-priest was among 
those who came bringing gold to Alexander and Ptolemy and 
the great men of their suites. The Hellenistic party made a 
desperate attempt to get the new King's ear, but Alexander 
would not listen to them, and treated Jonathan with marked 

» 1 Mace. 10, 8 f. 

^ I follow Wellhausen in thinking that we shoold understand the Feast of 
Tabernacles in 152, as it seems to me improbable that the seizure of Ptolemais 
by Alexander was as early as 158. This involves a correction of the chronology 
of 1 Mace., since the October of 152 falls in the year 161 aer. Sel. 

> i Mace. 10, 15 f. 


consideration, clothing him in a crimson dress of honour. He 
was raised to the rank of the First Friends. His position as 
High -priest and ruler of the nation was fitted into the 
general system of the kingdom by constituting him strategos 
of Judaea for the King.^ 

Thenceforward under King Alexander the Hasmonaean 
High-priest ruled without interference. The Hellenistic party 
melted away. Only the garrison of Gentile soldiei-s remained 
in the akra. But nothing occurred to impair the good- will of 
the Jews to the King, who was too indolent to be troublesome. 

A curious picture of the relations of the cities of the realm 
to the Seleucid government under Alexander is given us by 
the story of Aradus and Marathus. Marathus, on the mainland, 
was formally more subject to the Seleucid King than the island 
Aradus, but it was not burdened with any royal garrison. 
Aradus wished to see Marathus blotted out — one supposes 
commercial rivalry or some such reason. To compass its end 
it intrigued in the usual way at the court; 300 talents came 
into the hands of Ammonius as bakshish, and it was agreed 
that a royal force was to enter Marathus under false pretences 
and then put the Aradians in possession. BtU MarcUhvs 
re/used to admit the King's men, and, believing Aradus friendly, 
sent an embassy to entreat their mediation ; their influence at 
the court was well known. The Aradians murdered the 
envoys and cunningly sent back letters to Marathus in the 
envoys' name and stamped with their signets, announcing that 
Aradus was sending troops^ — the city had troops of its own — 
to help Marathus against the royal force. The plan failed 
because there was a fisherman in Aradus, a " just man," who 
swam the channel, all boats having been seized by the Aradian 
authorities, to warn Marathus what was toward.^ The note- 
worthy thing from our point of view is the large degree of 
independence with which the cities act, how loose an organiza- 
tion of the kingdom is displayed. 

While Alexander was wantoning in the palaces of the 
Seleucid kings, the two sons of Demetrius in Asia Minor were 

^ 1 Mace. 10, 59 t, ffrpartfy^ koI /upiidpxnh which Schiirer thinks equira- 
Unt to military and civil governor. Seo Appendix F. 
' Diod. zxxiii. 5. 


growing to manhood. In 148-147, when the elder, Demetrius, 
can have been at the most fourteen years old,^ those who had 
the boy in their keeping thought the time ripe for attempting 
to set the true King upon the throne. The first step, of 
course, was to get a body of mercenaries, and Crete, with its 
interminable petty wars, was the best recruiting ground. A 
noted Cretan condottiere, Lasthenes, was ready enough to 
undertake the management of the expedition. With an army 
drawn from Crete and the Greek islands, and commanded by 
Lasthenes, Demetrius set foot in " the land of his fathers." ^ 

The presence of the young Demetrius in the kingdom 
came as a rude shock to break upon the voluptuous paradise 
of Alexander Balas. He hurried north' to Antioch, which 
was known to be disafiected.^ But the peril of insurrection 
was not confined to Antioch. Apollonius, the governor of 
Coele-Syria, declared for Demetrius as soon as Alexander had 
turned his back. Immediately the adherents of the respective 
kings came to blows in Palestine, as they were perhaps doing 
in other provinces of the kingdom — if Alexander had else- 
where friends as devoted as the Jews. The Hellenized Phili- 
stine cities, who had seen with great displeasure Alexander's 
patronage of the Jewish leader, followed their governor 
zealously in striking for the cause of Demetrius. But in a 
battle near Azotus (Ashdod) the Jews gained a decisive 
victory. The defeated army of Apollonius fled into Azotus, 
and crowded for safety into the temple of Dagon. Jonathan 
entered after them and burnt the temple over the heads of 
the Uving mass. Soon the smoke was going up, not from 
Azotus only, but from the neighbouring villages of the plain. 
Only Ascalon by timely obsequiousness bought immunity. 

Alexander might congratulate himself at this critical 

^ If Demetrius Soter married in 162 and Demetrius II was born in 161, he 
would be fourteen in 147. But the Antigonus murdered by Ammonius was not 
improbably the eldest son of Demetrius I. 

' See Appendix N. 

' Presumably from Ptolemais, 1 Mace. 10, 68 ; Joseph. Arch, xiii § 87. 

* According to Malalas, p. 207, the year 148 was that in which Antioch was 
visited by the first great earthquake in its history. If so, the consequent misery 
would no doubt have fanned the flame of political discontent. But the notice 
in Malalas is open to suspicion. He says that the earthquake occurred under a 
king AfUioehuSf see Miiller, ArUiq, AtUioeh, p. 14. 


moment on the friendship of the Jews. They had destroyed, 
without his lifting a finger, the revolted army which menaced 
his rear. He lost no time in confirming their loyalty. He 
raised Jonathan yet another step in rank, sending him the 
golden clasp which distinguished the King's Kinsmen. He 
granted to him and his heirs the town of Ekron and its terri- 
tory for personal possession.^ 

But the disturbers of the existing settlement in Syria 
would have to reckon with the virtual suzerain, the King of 
Egypt. Ptolemy Philometor could not look on while his 
nominee was thrust aside. He was soon upon the scene in 
commanding force. The government of Alexander Balas had 
convinced him that the veiled and informal ascendancy he 
had designed to keep over Syria was not enough. An enter- 
prising and independent Seleucid king menaced Egypt, a 
weak and dependent one was unable to hold the country in 
the Ptolemaic interest. Philometor therefore now determined 
to assure his supremacy in a more direct and open way. He 
crossed into Palestine with an imposing army, while his fleet 
moved up along the coast In each of the principal cities of 
the sea-board, as he went north, he dropped a garrison of his 
own (perhaps in 147). At Azotus the inhabitants showed 
him the appalling relics of the Jewish visitation — the blackened 
shrines and heaps of charred corpses. Ptolemy reserved 
his judgment He had not yet repudiated Alexander, and the 
Jews were ostensibly fighting on the same sida Jonathan 
himself came to meet the King of Egypt at Joppa, and accom- 
panied him as far as the river Eleutherus (mod. Nahr-al-Kebir), 
the frontier of the Coele-Syrian province.^ 

When all the coast cities as far as Seleucia were occupied 
by Ptolemy's garrisons, the alliance between Ptolemy and 
Alexander was severed by an open quarrel Ptolemy asserted 
that whilst he had been at Ptolemais^ he had detected an 
attempt upon his life on the part of Ammonius, Alexander's 

^ 1 Mace. 10, 69. f. Josephus in his paraphrase mistakes the situation. 

a Ibid, 11, 1 f.; Strabo xvi 758. 

' This tends to show what was inferred abore, that Ptolemais was the seat of 
the coart of Alexander. Ptolemy also already has his daughter, Queen Cleopatra, 
in his hands. Alexander, one supposes, had left her and the people of the court, 
including Ammonius, at Ptolemais when he hurried to Antioch. 


prime minister. Ammoiiius had fled to Alexander at Antioch, 
and Ptolemy demanded that he should be given up for execu- 
tion. Alexander evaded the demand, and Ptolemy renounced 
his alliance. 

But he did not intend even now to take formal possession 
of the Seleucid kingdom. To leave the kingship and govern- 
ment to a king of his own making, married to his daughter, 
was more convenient, and now that he held the coast cities 
in his own hands, seemed safe. He therefore proffered his 
support and the hand of Cleopatra to Demetrius.^ 

Demetrius, or rather the people who directed his action, 
naturally accepted the offer. Cleopatra was to take as her 
second husband a boy of fourteen or less. Alexander's 
position was hopeless. It must have been now, if not earlier, 
that he sent Cleopatra's child, Antiochus, to the Arab chieftain 
Yamlik, to be reared in the wilderness.^ Soon he was unable 
to hold down the discontent of Antioch. Even Hierax and 
Diodotus, who had been his instruments for governing the 
city, went over to the majority; they used their position to 
expel Alexander from the city. He fled to the Cilician hills, 
where, if anywhere, there was a chance of his getting together 
bands to retrieve his fortunes. Ammouius was left exposed 
to the vengeance of the Antiochenes. He tried to escape in 
feminine attire, but the hated face was recognized, and he was 
done to death.^ 

Antioch was now at a stand. It had expelled Alexander, 
but it had also a short time before risen against Demetrius 
Soter, and apprehended what would follow the return of his 
son. A solution of the difficulty seemed for Ptolemy 
Philometor to take himself the inheritance of Seleucus. He 
was an able statesman, and a man of gracious and lovable 
character; he was also a Seleucid on the mother's side. 
When he came to Antioch, citizens and soldiers alike called 
upon him to ascend the throne ; they were for binding two 
dieulems upon his head, those of Egypt and Asia. 

^ See Appendix 0. 

' 1 Maoo. 11, 39 ; Joseph. Arch, xiii. § 131 ; Died, xxxiii. 4^ In Diod. 
xzzii. 9^ the Arab chief to whom Alexander had confided his child is called 

s Diod. xxxu. 9« ; JoMph. Arch, xiii. §§ 108, 112. 


►•♦— - 

r. Cleopatra Thea Eueteria. 

2. Cleopatra and Antiochus VIII Fhilomttor (Grypo'^i 

3. Antiochus VIII (Grypos). 

4. Antiochus IX Phh.opator (Cyzicenusi. 

5. Seleucus VI Epiphanes. 

6. Antiochl's X Eltsebes. 

7. Antiochus XI I^hh^adelphus. 


9. Demetrius III 1 Akau^os) 

10. Tigranes of Armenia. 

11. The tvchj: of Antiocii on mi coins ur Tigranes. struck 

IN Antioch. 





But Ptolemy saw his interest too clearly to be dazzled 
by the temptation. He urged the Antiochenes to receive 
Demetrius, and gave his word for it that there should be no 
reprisals for their infidelity to Demetrius I. So Demetrius 
entered his capital, and was acknowledged as Seleucid King. 
Only Coele-Syria, as one might have expected, he was obliged 
to give back to the house of Ptolemy, and the Egyptian 
garrisons continued to hold the Phoenician coast. Immediately 
on the return of Demetrius his marriage with Cleopatra was 

By 145 '^ Alexander had collected in Cilicia a force which 
seemed adequate for renewing the contest He crossed the 
Amanus and descended into the plain of Antioch, which he 
began to devastate. Ptolemy advanced to meet him, and the 
two armies closed on the river Oenoparas.^ Alexander was 
routed, but the battle was not without disaster for the victorious 
side. The King of Egypt had mingled in the thick of the 
fighting, where his horse had taken fright at the trumpeting 
of an elephant and thrown him. Instantly Alexander's 
Cilicians had flung themselves upon him and rained down 
blows. He was rescued by the royal body-guard and carried 
ofif alive, but his skull was fractured and he had lost 

Meanwhile Alexander fled for his life eastwards, to Abae 
in the wilderness, with five hundred followers. He hoped to 
find shelter with the friendly Arab chief to whom he had 
confided his son. But his little company contained traitors. 
Some of his Greco-Syrian officers contrived to send back a 
message to Demetrius, ofiering to assassinate Alexander as the 
price of their own pardon. The promise was given in the 
King's name, and Alexander was murdered. An Arab chief 
ccdled Zabdiel cut ofif his head and sent it to Ptolemy. 

On the fifth day after the battle Ptolemy recovered 
consciousness. The ghastly relic was shown him of the man 
who had been his son-in-law. Three days later he died under 

^ 1 Mace 11, 18; Joseph. Arch, ziii. § 111 f. ; Diod. xxzii. 9^; Jast zxxv. 
2, 8 ; Liy. EpU, lii. 

• Niese, Kritik, p. 81. 

^ One of the streams discharging into the lake of Antioch ; wh4^ is uncertain, 
Strabo xvL 751. 



the hands of the surgeons, while they were trying to adjust 
the broken bone (early summer 146).^ 

The position of Ptolemy Philometor just before his death 
had been the most commanding held by any king of his house 
since Ptolemy III. He was practically supreme in Syria ; 
the Seleucid King was little more than a puppet in his hands. 
But at his unexpected death all this fabric of power melted 
away. Egypt was confronted with a doubtful succession, for 
Philometor left an infant son in the charge of his sister and 
wife Cleopatra (II), whilst his brother, Ptolemy Euergetes, 
who now reigned in Gyrene, had been even during the life of 
Philometor a rival claimant for the Egyptian throne. The 
Ptolemaic forces in Syria were a helpless body without master 
or direction, and at the court of Demetrius, now swayed by 
Lasthenes, the Cretan adventurer, it was resolved to destroy 
them before a new government was consolidated in Egypt. A 
massacre of the Ptolemaic troops was ordered in the name of 
Demetrius, and the population of the coast-towns rose to 
annihilate their garrisons. Crowds of fugitives, who had once 
been part of the grand army, made their way back to 
Alexandria. The elephants remained in the hands of 
Demetrius. There was no longer any question of retroceding 
Palestine. The ascendancy of the house of Ptolemy in Syria 
had vanished like a dream.^ 

1 Diod. zzxii. 9^ and 10 ; 1 Mace. 11, 14 f. ; Joseph, xiii. § 116, f. ; Liv. 
EpiL lii 

* 1 Mace. 11, 18 ; Joseph. Arch. xiii. § 120. 


Alexander Balas had perished and the hand of Egypt was 
removed, but the throne which Demetrius ascended as Deme- 
trius Theos Nicator Philadelphus ^ was nevertheless a tottering 
ona It was only the influence of Ptolemy which had pre- 
vailed on Antioch to receive him. He could not trust the 
soldiery drawn from the native Greeks and Macedonians. The 
frequent revolutions had set up an agitation in the public 
mind which was favourable to further change. The one 
remedy would be a firm and considerate government to allay 
by degrees the dangerous unrest — at once to reconcile the 
people to their ruler and give a confidence in the stability 
of the existing rSffime, Such considerations were, however, 
far from the minds of the Cretan captains who now dominated 
the Seleucid throne. To them the kingdom they had seized 
was simply a source lOf gain. The ambitious foreign policy of 
Demetrius Soter was not to be resumed ; they were simply to 
settle upon the unhappy land and subordinate everything to 
the one end of gaining power and leisure to drain it They 
had no permanent connexion with the land or interest in its 
well-being. It was the government of pirates. 

How ready they were to eigree with any adversary 
quickly, in order to enjoy their prey undisturbed, is shown 
by what took place in Judaea. Jonathan, we saw, had gained 
under Alexander a supremacy in Judaea which was 
infringed by nothing but the garrison in the akra. He 
seized the occasion of the times to assail this last relic of 

* See Appendix P. 


the Seleucid government, and subjected the cikra to a close 
blockade. The court made some show of protest. But 
Jonathan understood the temper of the new government so 
well that when the young King came to Ptolemais he pre- 
sented himself before him with rich presents, although the 
siege of the akra still went on. He received not only pardon, 
but a confirmation of his honours. He was placed in the order 
of First Friends at the new court. His request was granted 
that a sum of 300 talents should be accepted in discharge of 
the annual tribute, taxes, and customs due from Judaea to 
the King.^ At the same time the Judaean territory was 
extended on the north by the addition of the three 
"toparchies" or "nomes" of Lydda, Aphaerema and Eama- 
thaim, which had hitherto belonged to Samaria.^ Jonathan 
probably on his part agreed to leave the dkra alone.' 

So the Cretans addressed themselves with a secure mind 
to the business of plundering the country. All pretence of 
conciliation was given up, and the government orders became 
more atrocious and flagrant every day. Outrageous penalties 
were laid upon all who had been the partizans of Alexander. 
Antioch revenged itseK by pasquinade, and the Cretan soldiery 
punished the sharp words by spilling blood in the streets. The 
home-born troops regarded the strangers and their puppet king 
with bitter displeasure. As these troops might give trouble, 
and they were no longer necessary when the court did not 
dream of going to war, it was resolved to disl)and them. An 
order was issued which removed all the army from the active 
list, except the mercenaries firom overseas, and the pay usually 

^ This was a lump sam paid down in composition for all the future. Aco. to 
Joseph. xiL § 158, the annual tribute paid by the High-priest to the Ptolemaic 
goyemment had been 20 talents. The statement of Sulpicins Severus {Hist. 
Sac. ii 17, 4), ** ludaei annuum stipendium trecenta argenti talenta regi {i.e. to 
Seleucus I) dabant," is of no value. 

' Lydda (mod. Ludd) was the important town which commanded the road 
from Jerusalem to the coast by the Beth-horon valley. There had probably been 
a settlement of Jews there sinc« the early days of the Return (Neh. 11, 35). 
Aphaerema ( = Ephraim, John 11, 54) wa.s about five miles north-east of Bethe). 
Ramathaim is Samuel's city in Mount Ephraim (1 Sam. 1), and perhaps the 
Arimathea of the Gospels ; its exact site is conjectural. 

' 1 Mace 11, 20 f. 'Tie gouvemement se r^nciliant avec le rebelle qu'il a 
poursuivi jusque-lk est un des faits les plus ordinaires de I'histoire quotidienne 
de rOrient " Renan, HiU, du peupU tCIsr, iv. p. 897. 


given to men in reserve was diminished for the benefit of the 
aliens. It was an unprecedented action, since all former kings 
had considered their interest deeply involved in binding the 
military class to their cause, and had usually been punctual in 
their payment even in times of peace. Nor were they only 
disbanded ; they were also to be disarmed. The measure met 
in Antioch with the liveliest resistance ; riots ensued in the 
streets, in which blood flowed freely. Eecalcitrants were cut 
down in their houses, together with their women and chUdren. 
Antioch was the theatre of a hideous intestine war.^ 

The people, maddened, fought desperately. They bar- 
ricaded the streets, and a yelling crowd of many thousands 
beat upon the palace doors. The mercenaries who attempted 
a sortie were driven back. But the crowd could not face the 
storm of missiles which presently fell upon them from the 
palace roof. They gave back, and the King's men set the 
buildings adjoining the palace, which the people had held, on 
fire. The flames spread rapidly along the narrow wooden 
streets, and soon a great part of Antioch was in a blaze. A 
terrified stampede took place ; every one pressed on to rescue 
his family and property, while the mercenaries charged the 
jammed, helpless mass through the cross allies, or, leaping 
along from roof to roof, shot into the thick of them below. 
The spirit of resistance did not survive such horrors. Antioch 
was cowed for the time. A band of Jewish fighting men, 
trained in the wars of the Lord, were among the King's 
auxiliaries. They had been picked and sent by Jonathan. 
They returned home laden with the spoils of the great Gentile 
city, to tell in the courts of the Lord's house the delight of 
that wild pursuit along the roofs, the unlimited massacre of 
panic-driven heathen, mad to save their children from the fire. 
The Book of Maccabees would persuade us that a hundred 
thousand persons were killed by the Jews alone.^ 

The suppression of the revolt was followed in Antioch by 
a red reign of terror. A proscription of those supposed to be 
implicated was instituted, and their property flowed into the 
royal coffers. Executions and confiscations were everyday events. 

^ 1 Mace. 11, 38 ; Joseph. Arch, xiii. § 129 f. ; Diod. zxxiii. 4. 
* 1 Mace. 11, 41 f.; Joseph. Arch. xiii. § 138 f. 
VOL. n ^ 


*' Many of the Antiochenes were driven by fear or detestation 
to quit their native city, and were scattered as wanderers 
over all Syria, waiting for an occasion against the King." ^ 

They had not long to wait. Diodotus — we have already 
become acquainted with him as one of the two men who ruled 
Antioch under Alexander Balas — read his opportunity in the 
disaffection of the home-born soldier class to the new rSgime. 
He probably was in closer touch with that class in that he 
was a citizen of Apamea, the military centre of the kingdom, 
having been bom at Casiani, a village or small township 
dependent upon that great city. He had himself risen through 
the army.* Within a few^ months of the death of Ptolemy 
Philometor, Diodotus betook himseK to the wilderness, to the 
chieftain Yamlik, to fetch his old master's son and proclaim 
him king. The Arab had a conscience as to his trust, and was 
somewhat suspicious of the Greek intriguer. But at last he 
consented to put the son of Alexander into Diodotus' hands.' 

Diodotus showed himself with the boy in the region of 
Apamea. Here he proclaimed Antiochus Theos Epiphanes 
Dionysus king, and he called on the military colonies of the 
region to join his cause. His headquarters were first at 
Chalcis toward the wilderness, where the free Arabs, like 
Yamlik, could give him support from their strongholds. Soon 
the important town of Larissa, with its population of Thessalian 
horsemen, the proudest of the home-bom troops, joined him. 
Demetrius — that is, of course, Lasthenes the Cretan — refused 
at first to r^ard Diodotus (who now assumed the name of 
Tryphon) as more than a common bandit, and haughtily sent 
some soldiers to arrest him. But the court at Antioch had soon 
80 far to lower its dignity as to send a regular general with an 
army against him. The war went unfavourably for Demetrius. 
Tryphon got possession of the province of Apamea, with all its 
royal arsenals and the elephants of war.^ 

^ Diod. xxxiii. 4. 

' *A\€^dvSpov Tis trrpa-nrt^h Joseph. Arch, xiii. § 131. That he had been a 
slave in the royal hoose, as Appian says {Syr. 68), is almost certainly untrue. 

' 1 Mace. 11, 40 ; Joseph. Arch. xiii. § 131 f. 

* Diod. xxxiii. 4*; Strabo xyL 752. The elephants were presumably the 
African elephants which had belonged to Ptolemy. All the Indian elephants 
had been houghed by Ootarius in 162. 


How long it took Tryphon to consolidate his position in 
the province of Apamea we do not know. But the first pro- 
clamation there of Antiochus Dionysus was only a few months 
after the death of Alexander. Coins are found with the name 
and childish head of Antiochus which are dated the year 167 
aer. SeL, i,e, before October 145. So that it was with this 
formidable rebellion growing that the atrocities were committed 
at Antioch in the name of King Demetrius. 

The consequence, of course, was that when Tryphon 
assailed Antioch, the city was ready to welcome him with 
rapture. It had expelled Alexander Balas shortly before, but 
an experience of Cretan rule had convinced it that King Log 
was after all preferable to King Stork. So Antiochus VI 
entered Antioch in triimiph.^ 

The possession of Antioch and Apamea made the cause of 
Antiochus preponderant in S)rria. But Tryphon was not 
strong enough to drive out the legitimate king cdtogether. 
The court of Demetrius was transferred to Seleucia on the 
coast, where the traditions of loyalty to the rightful line were 
firmer than at Antioch, or where they had not perhaps been 
put to so severe a test.^ And again, with two rival kings in 
the land, a confused civil war went on in the various provinces. 
It is naturally impossible to say how the two parties lost and 
gained in its vicissitudes. Roughly speaking, the power of 
Tryphon seems to have been firm in the Orontes valley from 
Apamea to Antioch, the central region, politically, of the king- 
dom. On the other hand, the outlying provinces — those 
away from the scene of the Cretan misrule — were faithful, as 
far as can be traced, to Demetrius. For Cilicia there is the 
evidence of a coin struck at Mallus, but it is not dated' But 
Tryphon had some footing in Cilicia, since we hear that he 
made the strong sea-side fortress of Coracesium a base for 
piratical expeditions against the Syrian coast, that in fact it 
was from the pirate body at his conmiand that the great pirate 
power of the next seventy years grew.* All the Syrian coast 

^ 1 Mace. 11, 56 ; Joseph. ArrJt, ziii. § 144. 

' Lir. ^nt, lii. ; Wilcken, Hermes, zxiz. p. 486 f. ; Eos. L 256. In Joseph. 
xiiL § 145, read ZeXei^irecay for KiKuclap, 
s BaheloD, p. 119, No. 929 
* Strabo xiv. 668. Berytus was temporarily destroyed, Strabo x«\» 1^^« 


from Seleucia to the Lebanon, Demetrius held. We hear of him 
at Laodicea.^ The coins prove the continuance of his authority 
in Tyre and Sidon.^ In Mesopotamia and Babylonia ^ also we 
have proof that Demetrius was the recognized king. 

In Coele-Syria, on the other hand, the cause of Antiochus 
Dionysus prevailed. The Jews had lent their services to 
Demetrius for slaughtering the Antiochenes, but they were 
soon discontented when they found he did not remove the 
garrison from the akrcu They were ready therefore to respond 
to the appeal of Tryphon to support the son of their old friend 
Alexander Balas. In the name of Antiochus, Tryphon sent 
to Jonathan the crimson robe and golden clasp of the Eang's 
Kinsmen, and his brother Simon was made the strategos of 
Antiochus in the whole province " from the Ladder of Tyre to 
the borders of Egypt," i.e. of Coele-Syria wUhovt Phoenicia, 
which held by Demetrius.* 

Jonathan now, as the King's man, had royal troops as well 
as the Jewish levies at his disposal, and he was very active in 
the cause of Antiochus, moving about from city to city of 
Coele-Syria and simimoning them to acknowledge the son of 
Alexander. Gaza offered stubborn resistance, but Demetrius 
had no means of relieving it, and it succumbed to a siege. 
Jonathan's operations extended as far as Damascus. The 
power of Demetrius ceased altogether for a time in the south 
of the kingdom.^ 

Some collisions took place in Galilee^ between Jonathan 
and the generals of Demetrius, one by the sea of Merom in 
the plain of Hazor, and another farther north near Hamath, 
but as we have no account of them except the Jewish one ^ 
their true description is unknown. 

^ Diod. xxxiiL 9. 

' Babelon, p. 123 f. Coins are struck with the Dame of Demetrius at Tyre 
in the years (aer. Sel.) 167, 168, 169, 170, 172, 178. But there are traces of 
Tryphon in Aradus and By bios. Rouvier, Joum, inUm, 1900, p. 148 ; 1901, p. 44. 

» See p. 283. * 1 Mace. 11, 67 f. ; Joseph. Arch, xiii. § 145 f. 

' 1 Mace. 11,60 f. ; Joseph. Arch, xiii. § 148 f. Coins of Antiochus are 
struck at Ptolemus in 143-142 b.o. (Babelon, No. 996). But a coin of Demetrius 
dated 173 (140139 B.C.) is assigned by Babelon to Oaza (No. 979). If the 
attribution is right it shows that Gaza at any rate was recaptured by Demetrius. 

* Galilee was, of course, at this time a heaUun district, with no Jewish 
j>opu]Ation or an insignificant one. ' 1 Mace 11, 63 and 12, 24 f. 


But while the Hasmonaean leaders were warring in the 
name of King Antiochus, they were improving the occasion for 
other ends than those for which authority had been lent them. 
Simon, having compelled the Gentile garrison to withdraw 
from Beth-sur, replaced it by a Jewish one.^ He also fortified 
Adida, which commanded the road from Joppa to the Judaean 
upland, as a Jewish stronghold.^ In Joppa itself, ostensibly 
to guard it against being occupied by Demetrius, Simon put a 
garrison of Jews.^ The blockade of the aJcra was resumed 
and drawn close. The fortifications of Jerusalem were repaired 
and strengthened.^ 

At the same time the Jewish community began to act as 
an independent state toward foreign powers. Jonathan, as 
High -priest, sent envoys to Rome to regain the patronage 
which had been momentarily won by Judas in 1 6 1. The envoys 
were also to establish friendly relations between the Jewish 
state and some of the Greek states, notably Sparta, on their way.* 

All these proceedings on the part of the Jewish leaders 
did not naturally find favour at Antioch. Tryphon, who had 
risen to power as the representative of a national Greco- 
Macedonian movement, could hardly show himself less eager 
than former rulers to vindicate the Macedonian supremacy in 
Judea. He determined to strike a sudden and stealthy blow 
before it was too late. He moved with a force to Scythopolis 
(Beth-shan), and Jonathan came to meet him as a friend with 
a great following of Jewish troops. Trjrphon received him 
with full honours and persuaded him to dismiss his army and 
accompany him with a thousand men only to Ptolemais. 
When once the gates of Ptolemais had shut upon Jonathan, 
his thousand men were suddenly massacred and he himseK 
made prisoner.^ 

The news of what had happened caused absolute panic at 
Jerusalem. But Simon rose to the occasion and caused the 
people to feel that they had yet a leader left.'^ Instead, there- 

» 1 Mace. 11, 66 f. » Ihid, 12, 38. » IMd, 12, 88 f. 

* /Wd. 12, 35 f. » Ibid. 12, 1 f. • Ibid. 12, 89 f. 

^ According to 1 Mace. 2, 65, Simon had been chief counsellor among the 
Hasmonaean brethren from the beginning, the brain of the movement of which 
Judas had been the arm. Of course, if we accept Niese's view of 1 Mace this 
representation of things is to be rejected. 


fore, of giving way to despair, the Jews pushed forward the 
defences of Jerusalem and took strong action at Joppa. It 
was already held by a Jewish garrison ; now the whole popula- 
tion was turned out neck and crop, and their place taken by 
Jewish families.^ 

Tryphon advanced upon Judaea, bringing Jonathan with 
him. He demanded 100 talents, said to be due from Jonathan 
in his capacity of royal officer, and his two sons as hostages. 
Simon, lest his motives should be misconstrued, was obliged 
to comply. Needless to say, Jonathan was not released. 
Tryphon did not accomplish the invasion of Judaea. He 
marched round the upland, while the garrison in the dkra, 
now at starvation point, sent him a bitter cry. But the ways 
were blocked, that on the west by the prudent fortification of 
Adida, and that on the south, from Adora, by an unusual fall 
of snow. He drew off to the other side of Jordan, and at 
Bascama (site unknown) put Jonathan to death. Thence he 
returned north. "And Simon sent and took the bones of 
Jonathan his brother, and buried him at Modin, the city of 
his fathers." The great monument of the Hasmonaean house 
there could be descried from the ships at sea.^ 

In 143-142' it was given out at Antioch that the young 
Antiochus had contracted an internal disease which required 
an operation. It was next declared that the operation had 
ended fatally. In afber days nobody doubted but that Tryphon 
had tampered with the surgeons and that the boy had been 
murdered.^ His study of the situation in Syria, at any rate, 
had convinced Tryphon that he might now safely venture on a 
bolder step than that of removing the child of Alexander 
Balas ; he believed the time was come when the house of 

1 1 Mace. 13, 1-11 ; Joseph. Arek. xui. § 194. 

> Ibid, IS, 12 t ; Ihd. xiu. § 208 f. 

' Babelon, p. cxxzyiii. 

^ Liy. EpU. It. ; 1 Maco. 13, 31 ; App. Syr. 68 ; Just, xzzvi. 1, 7 ; Diod. 
zzziii. 28 ; Joseph. Arch, § 218. The riew of Josephus which places the death 
of Antioohus VI after the capture of Demetrius is disproved by the coins. The 
statement of Livy {EpU, It.) that Antiochus was ten years old is certainly 
wrong, since Alexander was not married to Cleopatra till 150, and the boy cannot 
therefore have been more than seven at the outside. In EpU, Hi. one reading 
is "bimulo admodum," according to which Antiochus would be about four at 
his death. 


Seleucvs might be set aside. It had — so he read the times — 
lost its basis in the popular will, the will of the " Macedonian " 
people of Syria, and that will could now raise another to the 
place which the degenerate heirs of Seleucus had forfeited. 
He offered himself as the national king. A decree of the 
people or of the army^ was necessary to make his royal 
authority valid. This he exerted himself by the usual arts of 
the popular leader to procure, and an assembly at Antioch or 
Apamea which purported to be the Macedonian soldier-people 
elected Tryphon king. It was to be the beginning of new 
things. In the title of the new monarchy AtUokratar was 
added to BasUefus? The old era, which dated from the accession 
of the Seleucid line, was naturally dropped and a new era 
begun.' The emblem of King Tryphon was the national helmet 
of the Macedonians. 

But to give respectability in the eyes of the world to a 
new dynasty, the recognition of Borne was highly desirable. 
Tryphon thought he had discovered an ingenious means of 
getting a favourable decree of the Senate. He sent as a present 
to Rome a golden figure of Victory. The religious Senators 
would shrink from so ill-omened an action as to reject 
Victory, even if the splendour of the bribe (for the gold in 
the statue was equivalent to 10,000 gold pieces of money) did 
not overcome them. But the Senate was more ingenious 
than the adventurer. It accepted the gift certainly, but it 
inscribed as donor, not Tryphon, but the murdered boy-king 

In Coele-Syria the immediate result of Tryphon's action was 
that the Jews made the final step to practical independence. 
They had definitely broken with Tryphon at the seizure of 
Jonathan; the disappearance of the son of Alexander Balas 
removed the only link which bound them to the cause he 
represented. Simon sent envoys to effect a reconciliation 
with Demetrius, and the rival court, glad enough to detach 
them from Tryphon, was ready to grant anything. In the 

^ "Subttitui a populo laboravent," Just zzxvi 1, 7, rodt di ^ovt . . . 
Mrtfiiri Tp6j rods arpariiiras, eTO77«XX6M€i'0» oAtcXs xp^f^'^i^ ToXXd Siltaiip eZ 
PoffiXia x^^po^or^ovaw a^6r, Joseph. Arch, ziii. § 219. 
, 3 See Appendix Q. > The coins. * Diod. zzxiii 28». 


name of King Demetrius peace and a general amnesty were 
conceded to the Jews, but, more than that, all arrears of taxes 
were remitted, and for the future the Seleucid renounced any 
right to claim tax or tribute from the Jewish state. The new 
fortifications in Judaea were sanctioned. What remained to 
the Seleucid King of suzerainty was of a very shadowy and 
indefinite kind.^ 

t Another province was gone from the kingdom to make an 
independent state ! The Jews regarded the King's rescript as 
the beginning of freedom. " The yoke of the heathen was taken 
away from Israel " — the yoke that had been upon their necks 
since Josiah fell at Megiddo 466 years before. Jerusalem 
began a new era, and documents were dated *' In the Year One, 
Simon being High-priest and General and Buler of the Jews." ' 
In the following year (171 aer. SeL = 142-141 b.c.) the garrison 
in the akra, decimated by famine, at last surrendered. On the 
23rd of Ijjar (May) 141 the victorious nationalists entered 
^with praise and palm branches and with harps and with 
cymbals and with viols and with hymns and with songs." 
Even before the citadel fell, the fate of Joppa had overtaken 
Grazara (Gezer), another place which commanded the approaches 
of Judaea on the west Simon made a triumphal entry, with 
hymns to the One God. The houses of the idols were cleansed, 
and the heathen population expelled to make room for the 
" keepers of the Law." John, the son of Simon, who was given 
the post of commander of the forces, had Gazara for his head- 

In 140 a surprising departure was taken by Demetrius. 
He had then, perhaps, reached the age of twenty, and was old 
enough for his own personality to assert itself in distinction 
from the ministers who had given his reign such a bad name.^ 
And now, whUe the central region of Syria was held by a rival 
king, Demetrius set out to recover the lost provinces of the 
East from the Parthian ! 

In the East, as Antiochus the Great King had found, and 
as Antiochus IV had hoped to find, lay fresh sources of 

1 1 Mace. 13, 34 f. » Ibid, 13, 41 f. 

' Ibid, 13, 43 f.; Joseph. Arch, ziii. § 215 f. 
* See Appendix R. 


strength and replenishment when those in the West were 
failing. There the supremacy of the house of Seleucus was 
grounded firmly in the hearts of the Greek and Macedonian 
population. To that quarter it would be of no use for the 
upstart Tryphon to appeal But possessed of these resources, 
the Seleucid King might turn and overwhelm the adventurer 
who had risen up in the West. Something of this sort must 
have been the rationale of the bold move of Demetrius. 

Demetrius had not to appeal to the eastern Greeks ; 
it was they who appealed to him. Men from the distant 
provinces were constantly arriving at the court on the Medi- 
terranean coast, all carrying the same cry from their country- 
men, all telling the same story of hatred to the barbarian 
conqueror, of impatience to see the banners of the old house, 
of readiness to rally to its cause. The young man, lately 
become his own master, saw visions of military glory, of 
assured conquest, of renewed empire, and exhaustless treasuries.^ 

Accordingly in 140 Demetrius set out for the East. 
During his absence the war in Syria against Tryphon was to 
be prosecuted by his generals. Queen Cleopatra was left at 
Seleucia under the protection of Aeschrion.* At an earlier 
stage it might have been unsafe to leave that strong-willed 
woman to her own devices, it might have been questionable 
whether she would not prefer the cause of her son to that of 
a husband united to her by a loveless political marriage. 
Now Tryphon was not only her husband's enemy, but her 
son's murderer. 

How far the Parthian conquests extended when De- 
metrius II moved to the East may be matter of doubt. Meso- 
potamia we know was his ; it was held for him by Dionysius 
the Mede.' Babylonia is proved by a cuneiform inscription 
to have been his in 144.* But if the phraseology of our 

^ Joseph. Arch, xiiL § 184 f. ^ Diod. zxxiii. 28. ' Ibid, zxxiii. 28. 

* Zeitschr. /. Assyr, viii. (1893), p. 111. An inscription published by Kugler 
in the Zeitschr, xv. (1901), p. 192, is dated in the thhd year of Ni-i-ka-a. . . . 
This Eugler takes to be the beginning of Nieaior, One would like to be assured 
that this is certain. No other cuneiform tablet, as far as I know, gives the 
sumame of the king, or dates from his accession instead of from the Seleucid era. 
If the tablet really belongs to the third year of Demetrius II, it proves that 
Babylon was his as late as 148-142. 


inferior sources can be pressed, Babylonia had an the interval 
between that date and the expedition of Demetrius been con- 
quered by the Parthians.^. 

Of course, if Babylonia had really been conquered, Media 
must have been conquered first. But as to Media we have no 
direct evidence.^ 

The Arsacid throne was still held by the able prince 
Mithridates I, against whom Antiochus Epiphanes had marched 
a quarter of a century before. Since then Mithridates had 
extended the Parthian power on the East at the expense of the 
Greek dynasties of Bactria.' 

Demetrius crossed the Euphrates into Mesopotamia and 
marched on Babylonia. His appearance in the East was the 
signal for a great rising, and he was received with enthusiasm 
wherever he came. Not only the Greeks of the Babylonian and 
the Median provinces rose, but all who felt menaced by the 
growing Parthian power were ready to make common cause 
with him — the Bactrian kings, the little kings in the moun- 
tains of Kurdist&n, the new principality in Persis (mod. F&rs). 
In a series of battles Demetrius defeated and drove back the 
armies of Mithridates. But when all seemed to promise fair, 
the successes of Demetrius came to a sudden end. By a 
treacherous peace (if our account can be trusted) the Parthians 
contrived to lay hold of his person. Demetrius became a 
prisoner ; his great army disappeared.^ 

The captive Seleucid was shown publicly in the cities 
under Parthian sway to teach the Greeks in whom they had 
trusted. But this lesson taught, Mithridates did not use his 
prisoner ill. Demetrius was conveyed to Hjnxjania, a favourite 
residence of the Arsacid couit, and, while closely guarded, was 
given the attendance and consideration which befitted his 

The Parthians were soon after this masters in Babylon.^ 

And now that Demetrius was gone, Tryphon seemed to 

' <rrpaT€6ffat 8i iw* *ApadKfiv €h Ba/3vXwra, £u8. i. p. 256. 
' See Appendix S. ' Justin xli 6, 1 f. 

* Joseph. Arch, § 184 f. ; Just xxzyL 1, S t 

* Just xxxvL 1, 5 f. 

' An inscription of the year 174 (April lS8-April 137 B.O.) gives Arsaces as 
the king, ZeOachr.f. A$ayT, vuL (1893), p. 111. 


command the situation in Syria. He spurned, we are told, the 
arts of conciliation by which he had mounted. Probably he 
had also underestimated the hold which, in spite of everything, 
the Seleucid name had upon the Macedonians of Asia. His 
soldiers deserted in numbers to the legitimate side ; Seleucia 
lay only some twelve miles from Antioch.^ 

Of the war, as it went on during those days, we know 
only one incident. Sarpedon, one of the generals of De- 
metrius, made an attempt to wrest the city of Ptolemai's from 
Tryphon, but was defeated and compelled to retire. After the 
victory the soldiers of Tryphon were marching along the shore, 
when they were overtaken by an enormous wave and drowned. 
The wave also deposited a quantity of fish, so that when the 
forces of Sarpedon returned, they found dead men and fish in 
mingled heaps. " The corpses of their enemies were a pleasant 
sight, and they carried away great abundance of fish. They 
sacrificed to Posidon Tropaios in the suburbs of the city.^ 

^ Joseph. Arch, xiii. § 220 f. 

' Posidonius ap. Athen. viii. 333 6= frag. 10 F.ff.Q. iii. p. 254; Strabo 
xvi. 758. 



The tedious circle in which the later history of the Seleucid 
kingdom runs — the rival claimant ousting the King in posses- 
sion by the favour of the army and people, then making him- 
self unpopular, and being in turn ousted by the oscillation of 
the people's favour to another claimant — was about to fulfil 
itself in the case of Tryphon. 

But the new claimant was not a man like the other in- 
effectual personalities who flit across the stage in that time of 
ruin and confusion. One more man capable of rule and of 
great action, one more luminous figure, the house which had 
borne the empire of Asia had to show the world before it went 
out into darkness. 

Antiochus, the younger surviving son of Demetrius I, had 
grown up in the Pamphylian city of Side.^ Its people were 
among the boldest seafarers of that coast; their naval con- 
tingent had formed a principal element in the fleet of 
Antiochus the Great Eing.^ And that the seafaring tradition 
was maintained is shown by the fact that in the last century 
B.C. the people of Side were prominent among the pirates, and 
Side was a great pirate stronghold and mart^ It was in close 
touch with the hill-peoples behind, who, as we have seen, were 
ready to join any adventure which promised fighting and loot. 
Such an environment might not be an ideal one for the 
education of a prince, but it was incomparably better than a 
Syrian palace, and wild seafaring men were better comrades 
than eunuchs and panders. 

1 £us. i. p. 255. ' Liv. zzzv. 48, 6. ' Strabo ziv. 664. 


The youDg prince, now about twenty,^ was in Rhodes when 
the news that his brother was a captive in Ir&n reached him.^ 
He at once made ready to step into the breach and rescue the 
heritage of his house from strangers. The mercenaries were 
got together and a fleet, prepared no doubt in the docks of 
Side! He sent letters to the various communities of Syria 
announcing his purpose, and summoning them to give him 
their allegiance. If the document in the Book of the Maccabees 
can be trusted, he already assumed in these letters the title of 
king.* But the coast cities of Coele-Syria, overawed by the 
garrisons of Tryphon, refused to open to him.* Nor does he 
seem to have anticipated a favourable reception in those which 
acknowledged Demetrius.* 

But it was impossible for the party of the legitimate house 
to continue the struggle against Tryphon without a head. Even 
at Seleucia there was a movement to deliver up the city to 
Tryphon. The councillors of Queen Cleopatra at last told her 
that there was no course left but to call in Antiochus to take the 
place of Demetrius, both as king and as her (third) husband. 
Thus was entrance into the kingdom opened for Antiochus. 
He arrived at Seleucia in 138,^ married Cleopatra and assumed 
the diadem as King Antiochus Euergetes.^ 

Antiochus was in Seleucia ! At the tidings the star of 
Tryphon finally declined. Another king of the old house, 
whose record was as yet unstained, of whom men might hope 
anything — the news awoke all the old loyalty, and the soldiery 

^ Wilcken calls him sixteen {Pauly-Wissotooy i. p. 2478). Since, however, 
he has jnst given 164 as the year of his birth, sixteen is either a slip in arith- 
metic or a misprint for twenty-six. But the year 164 cannot have been that of 
his birth (see p. 232, with Appendix R). 

' App. Syr, 68. 

» 1 Mace. 16. 1 f. * Joseph. Arch, xiii. § 222. 

^ Else why should he not simply have landed at Seleucia or in one of the 
Phoenician ports ? 

* 1 Mace. 15, 10 ; Joseph. Arch, § 222. Coins are struck in the name of 
Demetrius in 173 aer. Sel. = 140-189 B.O., at Tyre and Oaza (Babelon, p. 127), in 
that of Antiochus at Tyre in 174 aer. Sel. =139-138 B.C. {ibid, p. 137 f.). 

^ Sidetea is, of course, only his popular nickname. Perhaps it is hardly 
necessary to say that such nicknames must be distinguished from the official 
surnames, but a general reader may be confused from the fact that by common 
practice in modem books some of the kings are described by their official sur^ 
names and some by their nicknames. 


* upon whom Tryphon relied were soon flocking to Seleucia. 
Tryphon was left with only a remnant. He was rapidly driven 
from northern Syria, and Antiochus entered the capital.^ 

Tryphon fell back upon the southern coast, the region with 
which his relations, like those of Alexander Balas, had been 
close,^ and shut himself in the strong town of Dora. Antiochus 
pressed his flight^ and invested the place both by sea and 
land. At last, reduced to extremities, Tryphon slipped out of 
the harbour in a boat and reached Ptolemais.^ But it was 
not safe apparently for him to stay there, for he went on to 
Orthosia,^ and thence crossing the hills into the Orontes valley, 
made his last stand in the place where he had been bred and 
had first built up his power, Apamea. In some fortress of 
that region he was again besieged and finally captured. 
Antiochus would not, of course, allow him to live, but he 
permitted him to be his own executioner.* With the dis- 
appearance of Tryphon there were none left to claim the Syrian 
throne but the children of Demetrius Soter. 

The vigorous spirit and the ability of his father had been 
inherited by Antiochus " of Side." He addressed himself vnth. 
success to remedy the frightful disorganization which the 
double kingship had produced in Syria. Communities which 
had broken away from all superior authority were taught that 
they were once more members of a kingdom. Among such 
communities was the Jewish stata^ 

Already while Antiochus was sitting before Dora there 
were ominous signs of his intention to regulate this quarter of 
the kingdom. The immunity and internal freedom conceded 
to the Jews he did not revoke, but he could not pass over the 
complaints brought him by those who had been driven from 
their homes or subjected to forced contributions by the Jewish 
bands in the regions round Judaea, nor the seizure of places 

1 1 Mace. 15, 10 ; Joseph. ArcK xiiL § 223. 

' Ascalon seems to have been the chief minting- place of Tryphon at the end 
of his reign, Babelon, p. 137. 

* A story is told in Frontin ii. 13, 2, that Tryphon on tome occasion delayed 
the pursuit of Antiochus by scattering money behind him. 

* Charax, frag. 40 (F.ff.O. iii. p. 644). 
» 1 Mace. 15, 37. 

* JoMph. Areh. ziii. § 224 ; Strabo xiv. 668. ^ Just zxxyL 1, 9. 


beyond the Jewish border, such as Gazara and Joppa. For 
the injury done to his subjects he demanded from Simon an 
indemnity of 500 talents, and for the places he had seized 
500 talents more — a perfectly rational and, as far as we can 
judge, moderate demand. 

Athenobius, one of the Friends, was sent to convey the 
King's requisition to the High-priest Simon, according to the 
custom of the East, tried to bargain, and started low down with 
the offer of 100 talents. But the King's officer had had an 
opportunity to observe the great wealth already accumulated 
by the ruling family of the Jews, and he met Simon's attempt 
to bargain with stony silence.^ 

Antiochus, on receiving his report, instructed Cendebaeus, 
the governor of the Philistine coast,* to apply force. He 
himself was occupied for the time with the pursuit of Tryphon. 
But the attempts of Cendebaeus to enter Judaea were un- 
fortunate. Simon was now too old to take the field in person, 
but his sons, Judas and John, commanded the Jewish forces 
and drove Cendebaeus back into the plain.' 

As soon as Antiochus had settled more pressing concerns he 
himself undertook the reduction of the Jews to order. This 
was not till the fourth year of his reign (in the spring or 
summer of 134).* By then the last of the brethren of Judas 
was no more. Simon had ended his life a year before (February 
135) by a family tragedy. His son-in-law, Ptolemy the son 
of Abub, designing to secure the first place in the Jewish 
state for himself, had invited Simon to a carousal in the 
fortress of Dok, and then fallen upon the old warrior while he 
was in his cups. But Ptolemy's design failed owing to the 
promptitude of John, the son of Simon, who at the time of 
the murder was in (Jazara.* Before Ptolemy could seize 
Jerusalem, John was already there installed in the room of his 

1 1 Mace. 15, 26 f. 

^ iriarpdrffyoif (or, according to another reading, aTparriybu) riji vapaXLas, 1 
Mace. 15, 38. The Greek of 1 Mace, does not give the officials* titles with exact- 
ness, and we do not therefore know whether Cendebaeos was strategas of all 
Cosle-Syria or commanded in one district of it only. 

* 1 Mace. 15, 38 f. 

* Joseph. Arch, xiii. § 236. See Schiirer, i. p. 259, note 5. 
» 1 Mace. 16, 1 f. 


father as High-priest and head of the state.^ It was in the 
first year of John, surnamed Hyrcanus, that Antiochus took 
the subjugation of Judaea in hand. 

The King came with a strength sufficient for the task before 
him. He had a just appreciation of the mixture of force and 
conciliation required to meet the case. To put down the 
religion of Israel, to trample upon Jewish prejudice were ideas 
that he was too good a statesman to entertain. But till the 
supremacy of the Seleucid government had been asserted there 
could be no talk of compromise, and Antiochus, when he 
struck, struck home. The Jewish forces were driven from the 
field into Jerusalem and a business-like siege of the city 
b^un. Seven camps hemmed it in. The pinch of famine 
was soon felt, and Hyrcanus was embarrassed by the great 
population of non-combatants. He tried to expel them, but 
they were not allowed to pass the besiegers' lines, so that 
they wandered starving under the walls of the city. The 
feeling which the spectacle awoke in the city overbore the 
plans of Hyrcanus, and when the Feast of Tabernacles (October 
132 ?) came round, he was compelled to receive the miserable 
people back. Antiochus showed his conciliatory spirit by 
granting a truce during the sacred season. He even sent in 
on his own account a splendid ofiTering of victims and incense 
to the Temple. This wise consideration on the point where 
the Jews were most sensitive efiected as much as his victorious 
arms. Hyrcanus sent to ask for terms. The short-sighted 
councillors of the King now urged him to follow the policy of 
his great-uncle Antiochus and break down Jewish exclusiveness 
by the forcible violation of its sanctities. Now that the 
Jewish state was at his feet, let him take the opportunity to 
make away vnth it once and for ever. The character of 
Antiochus VII emerged above the influences which surrounded 
him. He would not even attempt to re-impose the financial 
burdens, whose remittance he had promised, before coming 
into the kingdom, to confirm, or interfere with the internal 
affairs of the Jews. But he insisted that the besieged should 
surrender their arms, that a rent or tribute should be paid for 
the places occupied by the Jews outside Judaea, like Joppa 

^ Joseph. Areh. xui. § 229. 


and Gazara, and that the city should admit a garrison. To 
this last condition, however, the Jews showed such repugnance 
that Antiochus accepted their alternative proposal that they 
should pay 500 talents of silver and give hostages, amongst 
whom was to be the brother of Hyrcanus himself. Antiochus 
also, before he retired, saw the strong ring- wall built by the 
Hasmonaeans around Jerusalem pulled down (132).^ 

Antiochus had attained a satisfactory result with the 
minimum of irritation. Respect had been won for the 
Seleucid power and the Jewish state rendered inoffensive, 
whilst its religious and internal liberty was left unimpaired. 
It is a remarkable testimony to the greatness of Antiochus as 
a statesman that he, the very prince who broke the Jewish 
power and took Jerusalem, should have got from the Jews the 
surname of Eusehes, the Pious.^ 

It is regrettable that we cannot trace the reorganizing and 
adjusting work of Antiochus in the other provinces of the 
kingdom besides Judaea. Now those who had been true to 
the house of Seleucus in the day of adversity received their 
reward. Seleucia, the faithful city, appears as "sacrosanct 
and inviolable" [Upk Kal &.vxj) f^m the accession of 
Antiochus VII.* 

About 134 the ambassadors of Antiochus were in Eome. 
It is recorded that they were charged with splendid presents 
for Scipio AemiUanus, who was then besieging Numantia in 
Spain, presents which, instead of receiving in secret, as other 
Senators did in like cases, he publicly made over to the state.^ 

In 130^ Antiochus considered that the reorganization of 
Seleucid rule in Syria was sufficiently complete for him to take 
in hand the recovery of the Eastern provinces. 

Demetrius was still a captive at the Parthian court in 
Hyrcania. He had become more or less transformed into a 
Parthian prince. His beard had been allowed to grow, as the 
fashion was among barbarian kings. Mithridates had even, 

^ Joseph. Arch, xiii. § 287 f. ; Diod. xxxiv. 1 ; Just, xxzvi 1, 10 ; Eos. i. 
p. 255. 

> Joseph. Arch, xiii. § 244. * Wilckon, Hermes, xxix. (1894), p. 442. 

* Liv. Epit, Ivii. 

° IHd, lix. ; Julias Obsequeus 28 ; Oros. v. 10, 4. See Babolon, p. 
cxl., cxlv. 

VOL. II ^ 


before be died in 138, caused bim to establisb a new bousebold, 
and bad given bim bis own daugbter Sbodogune for wife ; be 
used to talk to bis captive about one day driving out Trypbon 
by tbe Partbian arms and restoring Demetrius to bis tbrone. 
We are abready familiar witb sucb promises given to an exiled 
king, and know in wbat sense tbey were intended to be carried 
out Mitbridates was succeeded by bis son Pbraates II. 
After tbis Demetrius made attempts to escape. He was belped 
by tbe most faitbful of bis friends, a certain Callimander, 
wbom, wben be went to tbe East, be bad left bebind in Syria. 
Wben later on tbe news came of bis capture, Callimander resolved, 
bowever difficult it migbt be, to join bim. He bad found some 
Arabs willing to conduct bim for a sum of money to Babylon 
by tbe desert tracks, and wben tbe party arrived in Babylon, 
Callimander was disguised as a Partbian. Tbence be bad 
made bis way to Hyrcania and revealed bimself to Demetrius. 
His experience on tbis adventurous journey be tbougbt to 
turn to account by making it, togetber witb Demetrius, in 
tbe reverse sense. Tbe two set out, but before reacbing tbe 
frontier tbey were beaded off by tbe borsemen sent in pursuit 
and brougbt back to tbe Partbian king's presence. For 
Callimander, Pbraates bad notbing but praise, and be rewarded 
so signal an instance of fidelity substantially ; but Demetrius 
be reprimanded severely, and sent bim back to bis Partbian 
wife. His confinement was made stricter. Wben, bowever, 
Ebodogune bad borne bim cbildren be was tbougbt to be 
rooted, and tbe guard was relaxed. But again Demetrius made 
tbe attempt witb Callimander, and again tbey were dragged 
back from tbe frontier. Pbraates sent Demetrius in mockery 
tbe present of some golden dice, to give interest to a life wbicb 
be apparently felt irksome. But Demetrius' possible usefulness 
as a tool in Syria preserved bim from worse treatment.^ 

Wbatever tbe intentions of Antiocbus vritb regard to bis 
brotber may bave been, it was of prime necessity to get bim 
out of tbe Partbians' bands. He set out witb an army of 
80,000, drawn in great part from Syria itself — a visible sign 
and outcome of its restored unity. Even tbe Jews fumisbed 
tbeir contingent, commanded by tbe Higb-priest Hyrcanus 

^ JoBt xzxviii. 9 ; App. S}fr, 67. 


himself.^ The anny, according tx) the bad custx)m of the East, 
was accompanied by women and children of the royal house : 
Antiochus had at any rate his young son Seleucus with him 
in 129, and a daughter of Demetrius.^ 

The appearance of Antiochus proved, as that of Demetrius 
had done, a signal for all the discontented elements under 
Parthian supremacy to rally. Petty kings and chieftains with 
their various followers continually arrived in his camp, eager 
to range themselves against the house of Arsaces. Antiochus 
seems to have encountered opposition at an earlier stage than 
Demetrius. Three battles had to be fought before he was 
master of Babylonia.' In one of them he defeated the Parthian 
general Indates on the river Lycus* (mod. Greater Z&b) — 
the region where Alexander had won his crowning victory 
at Gaugamela over the Persians. The Parthians evacuated 
Babylonia, and their general Enius— the Parthian satrap 
presumably of Babylonia — found a frightful end at the hands 
of the people of Seleucia.^ Antiochus pressed the enemy's 
retreat into Ird,n. Instantly the rebellion against their rule 
became universal When the winter of 130 closed in, Nearer 
Ir^n had once more been joined to the Seleucid kingdom. 
The Arsacid dominion, which was in fact mere military 
occupation, had ceased, except in the northern valleys which 
constituted Parthia. A greater result could not possibly have 
been desired for the first campaign.* Antiochus, as conqueror 
of the East, began to be styled, like his ancestor. Great 

But what the campaign had achieved the winter rest was 
fated to undo. The problem of housing and feeding the great 
army and its still greater following during the winter months 
was no doubt a difficult one. Antiochus adopted the expe- 
dient of quartering his troops in dispersed bodies on the several 
cities. It was to put too great a strain upon their loyalty. 
One of his generals, Athenaeus, aggravated the burden by 
wanton annoyances.^ The adherence of the Greek cities had 

1 Joseph. Arek, xiii. § 250 f. 'See page 245. 

* Jast. xxzviii. 10, 5 f. ^ Joseph. Arck, ziii. § 251. 

" Diod. xxxiv. 19. " Just xxxviiL 10, 6. 

^ Michel, No. 1158 ; cf. ^^magnm haberi ccepit," Just, xxxviii. 10, 6. 

^ Just, xxxviii. 10, 8 ; Diod. xxxiv. 17, 2. 


given AntiochuB his advantage; their alienation turned Uie 
scale against hiuL 

The spring of 129 — the Median spring with its transitory 
burst of greenness and beauty — opened under clouded circum- 
stances for Antiochus. Phraates understood that the position 
of the conqueror had changed for the worse, and tried n^otia- 
tion« But Antiochus had come to restore the Empire, and he 
would entertain no terms which did not make Arsaces tribu- 
tary. His authority in Parthia Antiochus would allow Phraates 
to retain, but he was immovable on the three conditions — 
(1) that the Arsadd king must abandon everything outside 
Parthia; (2) that he must pay a regular tribute; and (3) 
deliver up Demetrius. Phraates threw up the n^otiations 
and prepared to renew the fight That, in spite of the change 
of mood in the cities, he felt the conflict a redoubtable one, 
is shown by the fact that in order to raise complications for 
Antiochus in the rear, he let so valuable a tool as Demetrius 
go. Demetrius was sent westward with a Parthian escort to 
re-establish himself in Syria.^ 

Before the army of Antiochus was concentrated for the 
new campaign, Phraates dealt his blow. The scattered detach- 
ments were suddenly and simultaneously attacked by the 
population of the various Median cities. It was a plan 
arranged by the secret agents of Phraates. When the intelli- 
gence was carried to Antiochus — living too jovially, one fears, 
in the palace of Ecbatana — ^he hastened out with the troops 
he had by him to support the nearest of the bodies attacked. 
The confused fighting which followed we cannot trace, but the 
last scene can be reconstructed. It was in some place near 
the hills that Antiochus, marching along with his own column, 
became aware that the main Parthian army, commanded by 
Phraates himself, was coming down upon him. His staff 
besought him not to risk an engagement ; the Parthians had 
only to withdraw into the steep places behind them to baffle 
the Syrian cavalry. But Antiochus would not hear of retiring. 
Were the Macedonians to show weakness in the face of bar- 
barians whom they had beaten again and again ? He ordered 
a stand. The Parthians came on and closed, and Antiochus 

^ Diod. xzziy. 15 ; Joat xxxviii. 10, 7 ; App. Si/r, 68, 


fought where the fight was hottest. Presently the barbarians 
gave back into the hills. Antiochus and the Syrians impru- 
dently followed. They found themselves caught in a narrow 
gully. Athenaeus, the general who had vexed the Greek 
cities, was the first to flee, and the panic was infectious. 
Antiochus was left almost alone, and he saw that the end of 
all his ambitions was come. But it was only the dead body 
of the Great King of which the Arsacid was allowed to become 

The great army which Antiochus had brought to the East 
was made captive. How much of it survived to become the 
slaves of the Parthian we do not know. We are only told of 
the fate of the traitor Athenaeus. He came as a starving 
fugitive to those villages which he had afflicted in the day of 
his authority. No one would now receive him or give him a 
morsel to eat, and he died outcast by the wayside.^ Phraates 
also got possession of those members of the royal house who 
had come in Antiochus' company. But to offer indignity to 
the imperial house of the East would not have been according 
to the Parthian king's view of what was fitting. The body of 
Antiochus he had treated with all possible honour. The son 
of Antiochus, the boy Seleucus, was brought up at the Parthian 
court as a son of kings.^ The daughter of Demetrius was 
taken into the royal harem.^ 

But the generosity of Phraates, shown as that of a king 
to kings, did not extend to those whom he held rebellious 
subjects. He remembered against the city of Seleucia what it 
had done to his ofiScer. When it sent envoys to implore for- 
giveness, they were taken to a place where an eyeless man 
was sitting upon the ground. He was a Greek, perhaps a 
Seleucian, on whom the Parthian government had set the 
mark of its displeasure. The envoys were ordered to go and 
tell the Seleucians what happened to rebels.* We hear of the 
city soon after suffering days of horror under the rod of 
Himeros or Euemerus, a vile favourite of Phraates, to whom 

^ Diod. xxxiv. 15 f.; Just. xxx\riii. 10, 9 f.; Eus. i. 255; Joseph. Arch, 
xiii. § 263 ; App. Syr. 68. « Diod. xxxiv. 17, 2. 

' Eos. L p. 257. This young Seleucus is generally thought to be intended 
in Posidonius, frag. 19, F.H,0. iii. p. 258. 

* Just, xxxviii. 10, 10. * Diod. xxxIt. 1ft, 


he delivered the kingdom during his expedition against the 
Scythians. The Greek cities had cause to regret their deser- 
tion of Antiochus.^ 

In Antiochus Sidetes it was not only an individual who 
perished. It was the death-blow of the Seleucid dynasty. 
The last great king of that house was gone ; for the last time 
it had stood before the world as the imperial house of the 
East It had no more revivals. And the last real king whom 
it produced embodied in a striking way the typical qualities of 
his race — ^impulsive energy, a high and generous courage, the 
old Macedonian delight in wassailing and war. Like his pre- 
deceasors, Antiochus VII drank freely in his convivial hours. 
*' Boldness and wine," Phraates is recorded to have said, " these, 
Antiochus, were thy destruction ! Thou didst think to drink 
up the kingdom of Arsaces in thy large cups."* But his 
success in dealing with the Jews — the only case where we can 
observe his political action — seems to argue a degree of adroit 
statesmanship more than belonged to the majority, if to any, 
of his predecessors. On the other hand, it is perhaps charac- 
teristic of the history of his house that its ultimate fall was 
due to neglect of the dull work of organizing the winter 
quarters and conmiissariat of troops which on the field of 
battle the king would lead with such splendid dan. Here we 
perhaps touch the weakness which rendered so much of the 
brilliant ability of Antiochus YII, so much of the shining 
qualities of the Seleucid dynasty as a whole, ultimately 

^ Juat. xlil 1, 3 ; Diod. zxxiv. 21 ; Posidonias, frag. 21 (F,H,0, iu. p. 259) ; 
Trog. Prol. xlii. 
' Athen. x. 439 e. 



His victory made the Parthian king sorry that he had let 
Demetrius go, and horsemen were sent in desperate pursuit 
to overtake him, but Demetrius was already beyond the reach 
of his arm.^ Phraates meditated an instant move upon Syria 
itself before the new government was established. Had he 
carried it out, the Parthian dominion might have touched the 
Mediterranean within the next year. But a mutiny of his 
Scythian mercenaries — hordes from the steppes of Central Asia 
— made him instead march east What remained of the army 
of Antiochus was compelled to go along with him, but they 
only waited for the battle with the Scythians to turn their 
swords against the Parthian, and by the irony of fate the army 
which Antiochus had led against Phraates did thus in the end 
destroy him.^ 

To the Syrian cities the disaster in the East came as an 
appalling calamity. It was not only to the Greco-Macedonian 
population a national humiliation. There was hardly a house 
vnthout its private bereavement, for nearly 300,000 men were 
taken away at a blow. Antioch was filled with the noise of 
women's lamentation. For days it was given up to mourning.' 

Nor was there anything about Demetrius to console the 
people of Syria for the loss of the well-beloved Antiochus — 
this foreign figure with the long beard and the manners of a 
Parthian. With how much aflfection Cleopatra returned to her 
former husband the event shows. The second surviving son of 

^ Just zxxTiiL 10, 11. ' Just, zlii 1 ; Diod. zxxiy. 18. 

» Ibid, xxxix. 1, 1 ; Diod. xxxir. 17. 



Antiochus YII,^ called also Antiochus, she sent hurriedly out 
of the country under the charge of the eunuch Craterus to be 
reared in Gyzicus, at the other end of Asia Minor.' 

Demetrius in his former reign had been in leading-strings. 
He had now an opportunity of showing his true quality. The 
thing most needful for Syria was a period of absolute rest, 
a time for recuperation, for filling the empty places of 300,000 
men. No sooner, however, was Demetrius in the seat than he 
was elaborating plans for the conquest of Egypt ! His mother- 
in-law. Queen Cleopatra of I^pt,* had come to Syria, driven 
out of Egypt by her brother, Ptolemy Euergetes. She now 
urged Demetrius to restore her, and promised him that, if 
he did so, he would certainly add Egypt to his dominions.^ 
Demetrius actually marched out to do so, but he got no 
farther than Pelusium, for there his way was barred by the 
forces of Euergetes, and Syria, the moment his back was turned, 
sprang into insurrection behind him. Antioch and Apamea 
had already renounced Demetrius — the same regions which 
had before broken away under Tryphon.* The disaflfection was 
found to extend to the army which Demetrius had with him.^ 
He was obliged to turn back to restore order in his own 

Nothing save the rival claimant was wanting to complete 
the situation; but negotiations on this subject had already 
passed between Antioch and the king of Egypt. Euergetes 

^ He had five children by Cleopatra ; two daughters, both called Laodice, and 
an elder Antiochos died young ; two sons Burvired, Seleucus, whom Phraates had 
captured, and this Antiochus, Eus. i. p. 257. 

' Ens. L p. 257; App. Syr, 68 ; Joseph. Arch, ziiL § 271. At Deloe the base 
of a statue of this Craterus has been found ; he is described as rpo^i>t 'Ai'rc6xov 
^iXordropof, r(aif Tpdyria¥ ^CKtav PaffiKiws *A3rri6xov Kal ipx^rpos Kal iwl toO 
KOiTUPos rijt pcurOdff arjt, Michel, No. 1158. 

' It is difficult to know how to express the horrible tangle of Ptolemaic 
relations in the ordinary terms of affinity. This was Cleopatra II, the 
daughter of Ptolemy Epiphanes and the Seleucid Cleopatra (I). By her elder 
brother, Ptolemy Philometor, she was the mother of Queen Cleopatra of Syria 
and of Cleopatra III. She was now officially the wife of her second brother, 
Ptolemy Euergetes ; but Euei^tes had also married her daughter, Cleopatra III. 

* Just, xzziz. 1, 2. 

* The phraseology of Justin xzzix. 1, 3, can only mean that on this occasion, 
too, the leader of the rebellion was called Tryphon, but one suspects a confusion 
irith the former rebellion. * Eus. L p. 257. 


was only too willing to put in a creature of his own, to 
counteract the machinations of his sister in Syria. He chose 
a youth who was given out to be of the Seleucid stock ^ and 
the adopted son of the beloved Antiochus: he was really, 
according to the hostile account, the son of Protarchus, some 
Egyptian Greek of the commercial class.^ He was accepted by 
Antioch, and installed with the support of an Egyptian force 
as King Alexander. The people added the nickname, derived 
from the native Aramaic, of Zabinas, the " Bought-one." • The 
situation was once more very much what it had been before 
the captivity of Demetrius, the legitimate king holding the 
coast, with his base at Seleucia, and the usurper holding 
Antioch and the middle Orontes. But although the Jews 
were adherents of Alexander, he was not so strong in Coele- 
Syiia as Tryphon had been. Ptolemais, for instance, Demetrius 

In Judaea, of course, the work of Antiochus VII was 
immediately undone by his death. Hyrcanus had returned 
to Jerusalem before the fatal spring of 129. When the news 
of the catastrophe came he once more felt himself an inde- 
pendent prince, and resumed the schemes of aggrandizement 
which the Hasmonaeans, their independence once secured, had 
come to form. He pushed out the frontiers of the Jewish 
state in all directions, across Jordan by conquering from the 
Nabataeans the plateau north of the Amon dominated by 
Medeba, in central Palestine at the expense of Samaria, taking 
even the rival sanctuary on Mount Gerizim, whilst in Idumaea 
he not only seized fresh territory, but compelled the conquered 
to embrace Judaism or go. It was the beginning of that 
expansion of Israel over Palestine by forcible proselytism 
which was one of the great works of the Hasmonaean princes.^ 

The decisive battle between Demetrius II and Alexander 

1 Joseph. Arch, xiii. § 267. 

' The statement of Eus. L p. 257, that he was represented as the son of 
Alexander Balas^ is probably a confusion. 

' In Aramaic iu'st, Z'btnk. The Greek form, Z&binas (Diod., Eus. ), is attested 
by an inscription. Letronne, lUeueil des Inscriptions grecques de VEgypU^ ii 
p. 61. In Josephus it is Zebinas. The form given by Trogus, Zabbinaeus, 
seems a corruption. See Appendix Z. 

* Joseph. Arch, zii. § 254. 


Zabinas was fought near Damascos — on one of the roads of 
communication between the Orontes valley, where Alexander 
was established, and Coele-Syria, which seems still to have 
been held (so far as it was not independent) by Demetrius. 
Demetrius was badly beaten and retreated to Ptolemais, where 
he had left Cleopatra and his children. But Cleopatra had 
had enough of him, and shut the gates in his face. The 
Seleucid King found himself an outcast in Syria, not even his 
life safe. He designed to take sanctuary in the temple of 
Heracles (Melkarth) at Tyre, but while on board a ship in 
the harbour of Tyre he was cut down by order of the 
governor of the city. It is almost certain that the governor 
was himself acting on the directions of Queen Cleopatra^ 

She had lost all patience with the wretched creature under 
whom the Seleucid kingdom was going to piecea She herself 
was the daughter of Ptolemy PhUometor and had in her the 
blood of the Seleucids, and among the crowd of incapables she 
aspired to take the power into her own hands. Seleucus, the 
elder of her two sons by Demetrius, assumed the diadem on 
his father's death without bowing to her superior authority, 
and she had him promptly assassinated.' From her girlhood she 
had been treated as a thing whose heart did not come into 
consideration, a mere piece in the political game. What 
wonder that she became a politician whose heart was 

Whether she reigned for any time in her own name alone 
we do not know.^ But before many months at any rate from 
the death of Demetrius were elapsed she had associated with 
herself the second of the sons of Demetrius, Antiochus, nick- 
named Orypos, the " Hook-nosed," who had been educated at 
Athens.^ His functions, of course, were to be purely subor- 
dinate. His name and hers appear together on the coins, and 

^ App. Syr, 68 ; Ena. L p. 257 ; Just xxxiz. 1, 7 ; Joseph, ziii. § 268. 

' Babelon, pp. cxlr., cliiL 

' App. Syr. 69 ; Ens. L p. 257 ; Joat. xzxix. 1, 9 ; Liv. E/»U. Ix. 

* Tetradrachms are found which bear her name and effigy alone, and are 
dated the same year as the last coins of Demetrius II (187 aer. Sel. = 126-125 
B.C.). She appears as BaalXiffaa KXtowdrpa 6ed Ei^mipla, 

* App. Syr. 68. 


her head is sometimes placed with his, and in front} Antio- 
chus YIII was at this time about sixteen years old.^ 

The war between the legitimate house and Alexander went 
on. And, like these later Seleucid wars as a whole, it was 
complicated with the family wars of the house of Ptolemy. In 
both kingdoms, the last survivors of the Macedonian monarchies, 
the same disease of family strife was working doom. Alex- 
ander had been the tool of Euergetes, but after the death of 
Demetrius, Euergetes was reconciled with his sister Cleopatra, 
and allied himself with Cleopatra of Syria. He sent his 
daughter Tryphaena to be the young Antiochus' wife, and sup- 
ported the legitimate house with his own troops.' 

That Alexander's power after the death of Demetrius ex- 
tended beyond the Orontes valley is shown by the coins 
struck for him between 126 and 123 in Ascalon.^ We hear 
of his capturing a Laodicea,^ and this may be Laodicea- 
Berytus, of which coins are found with his name.® 

Alexander Zabinas was a jovial, easy-going youth, the sort 
of king sure to be popular in the streets of Antioch.^ There 
is a kind of happy gamin impudence in the face which appears 
on his coins. Soon after his entry into Antioch the body of 
Antiochus Sidetes was sent home by the Parthian king in 
a silver coffin. It was received in the cities through which it 
passed with marks of impassioned affection. Alexander 
sought to give credit to his impersonation by paying it 
ostentatious honour. The tears which he shed over it 
publicly much edified the Antiochene people.' 

The establishment of Alexander Zabinas (129-128) was a 
fresh blow to the unity of the Seleucid kingdom. The line of 
Seleucus was indeed fallen from its high estate. Sixty years 
before, the battle of Magnesia had reduced the heirs of 
Seleucus from being practically emperors of the East to 
being kings of Syria. The battle in Media left them not even 
that. They were now mere captains of mercenary bands, who, 
in the anarchy to which the East was fcdlen, were one moment 

^ Babelon, p. cliii. See Appendix T. ' Joseph. Arch, xiii. § 865. 

' Just xxxix. 2, 1 f. * BabeloD, p. cL ' Diod. xxxir. 22. 

" Babelon, p. cli. ; Rouvier, Joum, intern, dearth, numinn, iii. (1900), p. 269. 
^ Diod. xxxir. 22. ^ Just, xxxix. 1, 6. 


strong enough to keep a prodigal court in one of the ancestral 
palaces and to devour some part of the country, and the next 
moment were wandering over-seas to get together new bands 
of desperados. They were fighters to the end ; in the cease- 
less battles of the rival claimants the remnant of that energy 
which had once governed Asia Mttered itself away. And the 
inheritance over which they fought naturally itself dwindled 
in the process. All who were strong enough broke away 
from connexion with any part of the kingdom, and in the 
absence of any one central authority, the cities^ and the 
numberless local tyrants came more and more to the front as 
independent agents. Except for the peculiar character which 
the Greek or Hellenistic cities give to the scene, we have the 
ordinary phenomena of the break-up of an Oriental Empire. 

But with the help of Ptolemy the legitimate house prevailed. 
The tide of desertion set in its favour. In 123-122 Alexander 
sustained a shattering defeat He fell back upon Antioch. 
There he set about robbing the temples. He first took the 
golden Nike which stood upon the outstretched hand of Zeus 
at Daphne. Zeus, he said to the Antiochenes jestingly, had 
given him victory. But when he gave orders for the image of 
Zeus itself to be removed, a storm of popular indignation 
drove him from the city. He fell into the hands of Antiochus 
and took poison.^ 

After the disappearance of Alexander Zabinas, Antiochus 
became more and more impatient under his mother's dictation. 
Cleopatra saw her supremacy imperilled. On a day when the 
King came in heated from exercise, she tendered him a cup. 
But her designs had been betrayed, and Antiochus insisted on 
her drinking the potion herself (121-120).' 

Antiochus YIII (Grypos) was now in sole possession of all 

^ That Demetrius II dissoWed the federation of the adtlphoi demoi — Antioch, 
Seleucia, Apamea, and Laodicea — as a punishment in 128-127, as Euhn (p. 13) 
suggests, seems to me impossible. The federation could not but cease when 
Antioch and Apamea were in the possession of Alexander, and Seleucia of 

' Just, xxxix. 2, 5 t ; Eus. i. p. 257 ; Diod. xxxiv. 28 f. ; Joseph. Arch, 
xiii. § 269. The story told of Antiochus Cyzicenus (Clem. Alex. PrUrepi, 4, 52) 
that he replaced a golden oolosius of Zeus by one only gilt may be an echo of 
the doings of Zabinas. ^ ^pp^ gy^,^ gg . J^g^ xxxix. 2, 7. 


that remained to the house of Seleucus in Syria.^ He reigned 
in Antioch, dissipating in gorgeous feasts at Daphne the scanty 
treasure of the kingdom,^ or composing verses on a theme that 
had a morbid fascination for the verse-writers of that age — 
that of poisonous snakes.' 

About 116 came the attack of Antiochus IX, the son of 
Sidetes and Cleopatra, whom his mother had sent in 129 to 
be educated at Cyzicus — whence his nickname, Cyzicenus. 
He had, of course, no legal right to the throne, but an attempt 
of Grypos to have him poisoned (real or alleged) gave him an 
excuse to attack his half-brother. In his favour was the 
memory of his great father, which his surname of Philopator 
put forward. It was the expectations founded on his parent- 
^e probably which inclined the hearts of men to Antiochus 
Cyzicenus. But the Syrians were soon disillusioned. He had 
enough of the physical courage of his race, being a bold and 
splendid hunter, but as a ruler he was worthless; far more 
keenly interested in mimes, conjuring tricks, and ingenious 
mechanical toys than the affairs of state. He had also, with- 
out inheriting his father's greatness, inherited to the full his 
propensities to hard drinking.^ 

A new dynastic war now blazed up over the Seleucid 
realm in Syria and CUicia.' It was again compUcated with 
the feuds of the Ptolemsuc house. Ptolemy Euergetes died 
in 117, and the power was seized by his widow, Cleopatra III. 
But like her sister, Cleopatra of Syria, she was obliged 
to associate her son, Ptolemy Soter II, in the throne. There 
were instantly two parties in Egypt, that which supported the 
Queen-mother, and that which was opposed to her, more or less 
openly. To the latter the King in his heart belonged, but he was 
outwardly subjected to his mother's will. His younger brother, 

^ His surnames are Epiphanes Philometor Kallinikos, Babolon, p. cliv. ; 
Bull, corr, hell. vii. p. 846. 

2 Posidonius, frag. 17 and 81, F.H.O, iii. pp. 267, 263. 

3 Plin. XX. § 264. Specimens of the poetry (very prosy stuff) are given in 
Galen (Ktthn) xiv. p. 185. 

* Diod. xxxiv. 34. One cannot help being struck by the resemblance of the 
description given by Diodorus of Antiochus IX to what we are continually hear- 
ing of the ways of Oriental princes to-day — the zeal with which they buy up 
bicycles, photographic apparatus, and such things. 

* Trog. Prol, xxxix. j Liv. EpU. Ixii. 


on the other hand, Ptolemy Alexander, who governed Cyprus, 
was his mother's partizan. Ptolemy Euergetes had been 
allied, as we have seen, with Grypos against Zabinas, and 
these relations seem to have been maintained by Cleopatra. 
The opposite party in Egypt were therefore on the side of 

These dispositions were expressed in act, when Cleopatra 
III, detecting antagonism to herself in her daughter Cleopatra, 
whom Soter had married, compelled him to divorce her and 
marry another of his sisters, Selene. The younger Cleopatra 
was at once bent on revenge, and acted in the spirit of her 
class. She would give her hand to Cyzicenus, and procure 
his triumph over the ally of the Alexandrian court, Grypos. 
She did not come to him without a "dowry"; she came leading 
after her a royal army. They were troops which, by her own 
boldness and address, she had succeeded in bringing over from 
the service of Ptolemy Alexander in Cyprus and persuading to 
follow her.^ 

Grypos, it will be remembered, had married Ptolemy's 
daughter, Tryphaena. While, therefore, the two rival kings in 
Syria were half-brothers, their wives were now sisters. But 
this only increased the ferocity of the strife. Cyzicenus was 
master of Antioch, and when he went campaigning, Cleopatra 
was left in occupation of the palace there. After some defeat 
he was driven from the neighbourhood, and Grypos, who had 
Tryphaena with him, proceeded to lay siege to Antioch. 
When the city fell, Tryphaena asked to have Cleopatra put into 
her hands ; she wished to triumph over her sister in her cap- 
tivity, and aggravate her humiliation. Grypos was shocked 
and demurred. Then Tryphaena suspected him of a guilty 
passion for Cleopatra, and her vindictiveness was whetted by a 
furious jealousy. Cleopatra had taken sanctuary at Daphne, 
but Tryphaena on her own authority sent soldiers to take 
her life. When they entered the temple to drag her outside 
the sacred precinct, Cleopatra grasped the image of Artemis 

^ The reading in Just, xxxix. 8, 8, raries between "ezercitom Cypri" and 
"exercitum Orypi.** The former reading has not only the better MS. authority 
but is supported by 8, 6; "turn peregrino9 exercitus in certamina fratrum 


with a determination over which the ruffians could not 
prevail. Then they struck through her wrists with their 
swords. The princess died, calling curses upon her murderers. 
Shortly after, by a turn of fortune, Tryphaena fell into the 
hands of Cyzicenus, and he did not spare to avenge. 

In 113-112 the position of Gr3rpos in Syria had become so 
weakened that he retired to Aspendus, in Famphylia, to raise 
fresh bands. There were places in Syria where his cause was 
maintained during his absence, notably the loyal Seleucia. In 
about two years he came back (111-110) and recovered some 
part of the kingdom. It is curious that he made the year of 
his return a new era for the official dating. The war after 
this seems to have languished, either king acquiescing in his 
rival's occupation of a certain sphere, without formally making 
peace, "like athletes who give up a trial of strength, but 
being ashamed to retire, protract the contest by indolence 
and repose."^ The power of Antiochus Grypos lay in the 
north of Syria, and he seems to have won the countenance of 
Some ; * that of Cyzicenus in Palestine * and Phoenicia.* 

Of course the feud of the two Seleucid brothers was taken 
advantage of by all within the realm who hankered after 
independence, and all outside of it who wished to cut off 
portions for themselves. Even the kings were obliged to 
further the work of disruption by conceding independence, 
where they thought that they could, by so doing, retain at 
any rate the good-will of a community. Tyre had been 
already given its freedom by Cleopatra in 126-125, perhaps 

^ Joseph. Areh. xiiL § 827. 

« Bull, corr. heU, viii. (1884), p. 106 ; Hermes, xxix. (1894), p. 436 f. 

' Eus. i p. 260. It is somewhat of a stumbling-block that a coin of Ascalon* 
dated 201, i.e. 112-111 B.a, should have the head of Orypos, Numismatic 
data are, of course, liable to be misleading. There is, for instance, a coin cer- 
tainly struck under Oyzicenus, because it bears his name, which yet has the 
effigy of Grypos (Friedlander, ZeiUch,/. Num. vii (1880), p. 227). In the case of 
Ascalon, coins of Cyzicenus are struck there in 200=B.c. 113-112 and 202=B.o. 
111-110 (Babelon, p. clxiv.). We may, I think, unhesitatingly reject, on his- 
torical grounds, Babelon's attribution of a coin of Grypos to Jerusalem! (No. 
1448). That the capital of Cyzicenus was Damascus, as Babelon affirms (p. 
olxL), is quite possible, though I hare not been able to find on what the affirma- 
tion is based. 

* Tripolis belongs to Cyzicenus about 108 (Joseph. Arch, xiii. § 279). Coins 
of Cyzicenus struck at Tripolis, Babelon, p. 191. 


as a reward for the part taken by the city in the killing of 
Demetrius 11^ and Balanea in 124.^ Sidon, where Cyzicenus 
coined as late as 113-112, attained its freedom in 11 1,^ Tripolis 
in 105.* In 109-108 Grypos conceded autonomy to Seleucia, 
as the reward of its steadfast loyalty to the legitimate king ; his 
letter conveying notice of it to his ally Ptolemy Alexander is 
preserved in a Cyprian inscription.* Ascalon, where coins of 
Cyzicenus were struck in 109-1 08,* dates its freedom from 104.^ 

The Jewish state advanced by great strides. Hyrcanus 
about 108^ besieged the great Greek city of Samaria. This 
was in the region dominated by Cyzicenus. But his attempts 
to relieve Samaria were futile, although in Egypt the pai-ty 
friendly to his cause was now in the ascendant, and Ptolemy 
Soter, able at last to show his inclinations, sent him 6000 
men. So strengthened Cyzicenus raided Judaea, but Samaria 
fell nevertheless after a year's siege. The Jews efifaced all mark 
of it, and turned the water-courses over its site. Soon after, 
by the venality of Antiochus' general, they acquired Scythopolis. 
Antiochus on his side was for the moment strong enough to 
seize Joppa and put in a garrison, as well as to wrest some 
other important places, such as Gezer and Pegae from the Jews. 
But the Jews procured from Some a decree of the Senate, 
bidding him restore them, and his occupation was transient^ 

John Hyrcanus died in 104, but the advance of the 
Jewish state in power and dignity did not cease. Aristobulus, 
his son (104-103), assumed the title of king — the Jewish 
monarchy restored ! but not, to the vexation of the Pharisees, 
in the house of David. Under Aristobulus the Galilee which 
we know in the Gospels was created. Inhabited by the 
heathen Ituraeans — a people of (perhaps) Arab stock but 
Aramaic speech — it was now conquered by the Jews, and the 
population given the choice of expulsion or circumcision. The 
majority seem to have preferred the latter, and became merged 
in the community of Israel.^® 

» Head, p. 675. « Ibid, p. 659. ' IMd. p. 673. 

* Rouvier, Jourju cuicUique, 1898, p. 26. 

" WUcken, Hermes, xxix. (1894), p. 436 f. • Gardner, Seleucid Kings, p. 91. 
' Head, p. 679. * Schiirer, i. p. 268, note 22. • See Appendix U. 

^° The population amongst which Christ worked, and from which perhaps 
most of the apostles were drawn, was largely of non-Jewish descent. 


In 103, owing apparently to a recrudescence of hostilities 
between Grypos and Cyzicenus,^ the Seleucid authority had so 
far disappeared in Palestine that the Greek cities, when attacked 
by Alexander Jannaeus (Jonathan), the king of the Jews, who 
succeeded his brother Aristobulus in that year, turned for 
protection to Ptolemy Soter. Cleopatra had driven Soter out 
of "Egypt and called Ptolemy Alexander home. Soter was 
therefore now in Cyprus, as his brother had been before. He 
was induced by the appeal of Ptolemais to intervene on behalf 
of the Greek cities, and Cleopatra promptly led an army to 
the support of the Jews. The ensuing war in Palestine only 
concerns the Seleucid house in that it brought home to 
Cleopatra how dangerous the alliance which still subsisted 
between Ptolemy Soter and Antiochus Cyzicenus might prove. 
She feared that they might make a combined attack on Egypt. 
Accordingly she helped Grypos in a substantial way, supply- 
ing him with the troops which his depleted treasury could 
no longer procure. She also sent him Selene, whom she 
had compelled Soter nearly twenty years before to marry, 
but whom he seems on withdrawing from Egypt to have 
left behind. These developments must have taken place 
before 102-101, the year in which Cleopatra falls from 

It was not the Jews only who pressed in where the 
Seleucid power gave way. The Nabataeans became about this 
time a considerable power under Erotimus. He is the first 
ruler of the Nabataeans, so far as we know, who bore the 
name of king; and the rise of the Nabataeans, with whom 
we foimd the Jews associated in the days of Maccabaeus, runs 
thus closely parallel to that of the Jews. The expeditions 
conducted by Erotimus and the 700 {sic) sons, whom his 
extensive harem brought him, swept the lands which lay along 
the desert on the confines of Syria and Egypt.^ 

In the North the province which adjoined Armenia, and 
which we already saw under a rebel dynast in the days of 
Antiochus IV,^ Commagene, now formally took rank as an 

1 Joseph. Areh. xiii. § 326 ; Liv. EpU. Ixviii. 
' Just zzxix. 5, 5-6. See Schtlrer, i. p. 728 f. 

> See p. 157. 
VOL.n ^ 


independent kingdom.^ The dynasty which ruled it was of 
Ir&nian, and professedly of Persian, origin, like the neighbour- 
ing houses of Cappadocia and Pontus. But King Mithridates 
Kallinikos, who ruled Commagene in the earlier part of the 
last century B.C., married Laodice the daughter of Antiochus 
Grypos, and in this way obtcdned an affiliation of the dynasty 
to the Seleucid house. Of their Macedonian parentage the 
kings of Commagene were still more proud than of their 
Persian ; they regarded themselves as continuing the Seleucid 
line. Antiochus was adopted as the dynastic name, till the 
little kingdom was extinguished in 72 jlD. by the Romans.^ 

While the peoples of the East were reasserting themselves 
in regions which had once obeyed the Macedonian kings, in 
the West the outposts of Boman rule abready touched the 
realm of Antiochus Gr3rpos. Bome had become one of the 
Asiatic powers in 133 by taking over, as the province of Asia, 
the kingdom bequeathed it by the last Attains. In 102, 
some permanent military and naval stations were fixed in 
Cilicia, as bases for action against the pirates whose nests 
were in the moimtains to the west The command of these 
stations constituted the Cilician ''province." The Seleucid 
King did not lose his Cilician territory, with which the Boman 
stations on the coast probably interfered little, but their 
presence was a sign.' 

Antiochus Grypos married Selene about 102. But he 
was not destined to live with her long. Among those who 
stood highest at court was Heracleon of Beroea. From a 
fragment of Posidonius^ we may infer that he was at the 
head of the war department and a strict disciplinarian. " He 
made the soldiers take their dinner in divisions of thousands, 
lying upon the ground in the open air. Each man's dinner 

^ The coins of a certain King Sames are supposed by numismatists to belong 
to Commagene, and to be earlier than those of Mithridates KaUinikos, Babelon, 
p. ocviii. 

^ Mommsen, Mitth, d, Inst, in Athen, I (1876), p. 27 f. ; Babelon, Rais de 
Svrie, p. coviii f. ; Wilcken in Pauly- Wisaoioa, i. p. 2487 f. The great inscrip- 
tion of Nimrud-Dagh, put up by Antiochus I of Commagene (? 70-37 ? b.c.), is 
No. 735 in Michel. 

s Mommsen, Hitiory of Jtome (English Translation, 1894), iii. p. 382 ; 
Marquardt, Mmiiche StcuUsverw. i p. 379. 

« Frag. 36, F.H,G. iu. p. 265. 


was a large loaf and a piece of meat, and the drink, wine of 
the common sort mixed with cold water. The serving was 
done by men with knives, and strict silence was imposed." 
Heracleon's ambition urged him in these unsettled times to 
look higher than the office of King's minister. In 96 he 
murdered Grjpos and seized the throne.^ Queen Selene fled, 
to give herself to Cyzicenus. 

Heracleon cannot long have maintained himself in the 
place of the King, since Seleucus the son of Antiochus YIII 
is spoken of as succeeding, without any interval being 
mentioned. But we gather that Heracleon detached the 
north-eastern region of Syria, including his native Beroea, 
Bambyce-Hieropolis and Heraclea, as a separate principality.^ 

Grypos left five sons, of whom the eldest succeeded him 
as Seleucus Epiphanes Nicator.^ He was a man of stormy 
vehemence. He infused a new spirit into the war against 
Cyzicenus, and took the field with a strong army. City after 
city was lost to Cyzicenus. In the year following Grypos' 
death (in 95) Seleucus defeated his uncle in a pitched battle, 
and Cyzicenus came to his end.^ 

But Seleucus was not suffered to take possession un- 
disturbed. Antiochus Cyzicenus had left a grown-up son, 
who almost immediately (still in 95) proclaimed himself king 
in Aradus, as Antiochus Eusebes Philopator (Antiochus X). 
He also took over his father's recent wife, Selene, who, since 
she married her first husband, her brother Ptolemy Soter, in 
116, must now have been of some years.^ According to one 
account,* Seleucus would have succeeded in taking his life, as 
well as that of his father, had he not been saved by a courtesan 
who loved him for the beauty of his person. So the dreary 
circle came round again. Seleucus was beaten, and had to 
abandon Syria to Antiochus Eusebes, withdrawing to Cilicia. 

1 EuB. i. p. 259 ; Joseph. Arch, xiii § 865 ; Trog. Prol, zxzix. 
^ This is suggested by Strabo xtL 751. 

^ He is generally reckoned Seleucus YI, Seleucus V being the son of 
Demetrius II assassinated by Cleopatra in 125. 

* According to Joseph. Arch, ziii § 866, Seleucus captured him and put him 
to death. According to Eus. Cyzicenus was run away with by his horse into 
the enemy's lines, and, seeing capture inevitable, slew himself. See Appendix V . 

• See Appendix W. • App. Syr, 69. 


Here he fixed his temporary capital at Mopsu-hestia, but had 
soon fallen foul of the citizens, who found that unlimited 
demands were made upon their property by a king who had 
simk to be a mere captain of bandits. Insurrection followed, 
and Seleucus VI perished in the flames of his residence (95).^ 

Then the remaining sons of Grypos took up the quarreL 
Antiochus XI Epiphanes Philadelphus and Philip, whose name 
shows that the Seleucid princes still cherished the memory of 
their Antigonid blood, were probably with their brother 
Seleucus in Cilicia. They made haste at any rate to avenge 
his death by letting their bands loose upon Mopsu-hestia and 
pulling down the houses. Perhaps they were twins, as they 
were called ; Antiochus took precedence, but Philip also had 
the title of King, and his head appears behind that of 
Antiochus on some coins. Together they crossed the Amanus 
to attack Antiochus Eusebes in Antioch. But a battle near 
the city went against them, and in the flight Antiochus 
Philadelphus rode his horse into the Orontes and was drowned. 
Philip, however, as King Philip Epiphanes Philadelphus, con- 
tinued the war. At the same time (in 95) another son of 
Grypos, Demetrius III, established himself as Demetrius Theos 
Philopator Soter in central Syria. He was living in Cnidus, 
when Ptolemy Soter, who was still excluded from Egypt and 
reigning in Cyprus, offered him troops to try his fortune in 
Syria. Demetrius made Damascus his capital. He is 
generally distinguished by his nickname Eukairos. 

Within a few months, therefore, of the death of Antiochus 
Grypos there were three separate Seleucid kingdoms in Syria. 
Antiochus Eusebes was pressed both on the north and south 
by the two sons of Grypos, Philip and Demetrius, who seem at 
this time to have acted in concert. What happened to him 
in this chaos we cannot make out. Demetrius before 88-87 
had possession of Antioch. But Antiochus Eusebes was still 
holding his bands together in some part of Syria or Cilicia 
and calling himself Seleucid King. 

Demetrius III is the last Seleucid who interferes in the 

^ This ia the yenion of Appian and Josephua ; EusebiuB says that he Isamt 
the Hopsuestians intended to set fire to the palace and anticipated his fate by 
committing suicide. 


affairs of the Jews. His help was asked by the people them- 
selves, who were disaffected to their king, Jannaeus Alexander. 
Jannaeus had surrounded himself, like the other princes of the 
time, with foreign mercenaries — wild men from the highlands 
of the Taurus; the Jews rose against him and sent to 
Damascus for help. Demetrius came himself with an army, 
and at Shechem joined the national army of the Jews. There 
seemed at that late date a prospect of the Jews by their 
own act restoring Seleucid supremacy to escape from the 
Hasmonaean king ! But when Jannaeus had been driven to 
the hills, they thought better of it, and Demetrius was too 
insecure to entangle himself in a war with the Jews. 

About 88 a war broke out between Philip and Demetrius. 
Philip was allied with Strato, who ruled the little principality 
which had recently been constituted with its centre at Beroea.^ 
Philip himself was in Beroea when Demetrius laid siege to 
the city. Then Strato appealed to a neighbouring Arab 
chief, called Aziz, and to Mithridates the Parthian governor 
(of Mesopotamia?).^ They answered to his call, and the 
besieger Demetrius was besieged in his turn. He was cut off 
from his water-supply and obliged to capitulate. The 
Antiochenes in his camp were sent home without a ransom, 
but Demetrius was taken a prisoner to the Parthian court. 
Mithridates the Great, who then held the Arsacid throne (he 
died about 86), treated his captive with the respect paid by 
the Parthians to the other members of the Seleucid house who 
had fallen into their hands. In such honourable captivity 
Demetrius III ended his days. 

Yet a fifth son of Grypos now appears to wrangle over 
the fragments of the heritage, Antiochus XII Dionysus 
Epiphanes Philopator Kallinikos. Philip got possession of 
Antioch, and Antiochus established himself in Damascus.^ 
Philip watched his opportunity to strike him there, and when 
Antiochus was engaged in an expedition against the Nabataean 
Arabs, he suddenly appeared before the city. Milesius, who 

^ Wliat were the relations of Strato to Heracleon, and Dionysias the son of 
Heracleon ? 

^ Tigranea conquered Mesopotamia from the Parthians a year or two later, 
Beinach, MithridaU EupaioTf p. 311. 

' His coins are dated 227= 86-85 B.O. 


held the citadel for Antiochos, opened the gates. Philip, how- 
ever, had soon given this man offence, and when he went to 
see some races in a hippodrome outside the city, Milesius shut 
the gates and returned to his old allegiance. Antiochus 
Dionysus hurried back on hearing what was on foot, and 
Philip had to retire. But almost immediately Antiochus 
started away again on a fresh expedition against the 
Nabataeans. This time he went by way of the Philistine 
coast, now dominated by the Jews. Jannaeus tried in vain 
to stop him by a great line of works from Chapharsaba (mod. 
Kafar-S^b&) to Joppa. Antiochus broke through, and entered 
the country of the Arabs. Here he fell by a chance stroke in 
an affray when victory was already inclining to his side. 

It was obvious that chaos could not go on for ever in 
Syria. The house of Seleucus was on the point of extinction, 
self-consumed by its own disordered energies. But what 
would take its place? Gradually, ever since the death of 
Seleucus Nicator, two hundred years ago, it had been relin- 
quishing to the barbarian dynasties the territories it had 
inherited from Alexander the Great Mesopotamia had been 
lost to the Parthian before 88 ; Commagene had a king 
Mithridates ; southern Syria had fallen to the Arabs and the 
Jews. Only its territory beyond the Taurus the house of 
Seleucus had ceded a hundred years before, not to a barbarian 
power, but to the house of Attains, from whom it had been 
inherited in 133 by Rome. 

But between 90 and 80 b.c. it seemed questionable 
whether the whole of Asia was not about to revert to the rule 
of Orientals. Two of those dynasties, whose first beginnings 
we have watched in the days when the Seleucid house was 
great, were now risen to an imposing strength — the house of 
Mithridates in Pontus, and the house of Artaxias in Armenia. 
Mithridates Eupator now sat on the Pontic throne. In 88 
he occupied nearly the whole of Asia Minor, and put the 
resident Bomans to the sword, and in the following year flung 
his armies upon Greece. True, the campaigns of Sulla made 
Mithridates give back, but the peace signed in 84 was an 
uneasy one, and left Mithridates in a position to renew the 
£gbt In Armenia the king of the house of Artaxias was 


Tigranes, who had first suppressed the rival dynasty in 
Sophene, and then extended his conquests outside Armenia at 
the expense of the Parthians. Before 83 he had conquered 
Mesopotamia, and was ready to cross the Euphrates into Syria. 

In 83 the Armenian armies overflowed Syria. The men 
who called themselves kings — Philip the son of Grypos, and 
Antiochus Eusebes the son of Cyzicenus — are no more heard 
of.^ In utter weariness of the dynastic feuds, the Greek cities 
of Syria acquiesced with relief in the rule of the Armenian 
King of kings. His governor Magadates now sat in the palaxxe 
of Antioch, and coins were struck there in his nama The 
Cilician plain, as part of the Seleucid realm, Tigranes also 
took in possession, and emptied its Greek cities to make the 
population of the huge Tigranocerta, which he began to create 
in Mesopotamia.^ Only here and there some stronghold 
maintained itself against the Armenian, notably Seleucia in 
Pieria, so long distinguished for its loyalty to the legitimate 
Seleucid King, and now defying all the efforts of Tigranes to 
enter its walls.* About 75 B.o. the young sons of Antiochus 
Eusebes appeared in Some, and were recognized as ** the Elings 
of Syria." They stayed nearly two years in Home, and showed 
no signs of impoverishment. They maintained a royal state, 
and were served with such gold and silver plate as beseemed 
a king's table. It is also stated that they came froni Syria, 
returned to Syria, and were in possession of the Syrian throna 
We can hardly doubt that it was in Seleucia that they still 
had a court and treasury.* 

The object of the visit of King Antiochus and his brother 
to Rome was to ask to be installed as kings of Egypt, They 

^ The end of Antiochus Eusebes is yarionsly reported. According to App. 
Syr, 49 and 70, he was driven out of his kingdom by Tigranes. According to 
Eus. i. p. 261, he had fled some years before to the Parthian court. According 
to Joseph. Arch. ziii. § 371, he had died before this a brave man's death, fighting 
against the Parthians in the cause of Xaodice, Queen ^f the Sameni. 

3 Strabo zi. 532 ; Plutarch, LucuU. 21 ; Solin. 38, 9. 

' Strabo xvi. 751 ; Eutrop. vi. 14. 2. 

* The evidence of Cio. Ferr, Act II. iv. 27 f., seems to me preferable to that 
of Justin xl. 1, 3, that the son of Antiochus during the rule of Tigranes had 
''lain hid in a comer of Cilicia." This is followed by Euhn and Wilcken, but 
it appears irreconcilable, not only with the language of Cicero, but with the 
figure which the young princes are able to make in Rome. 


claimed through their mother Selene, who was still living in 
Syria. The Ptolemaic kingdom was also suffering from a 
confused succession. They naturally got nothing from Borne, 
and one of them was robbed of some of his choice plate by 
Verres when he stopped in Sicily on his way home. 

The arms of Tigranes did not reach the south of Syria. 
Queen Selene was still residing in 69 in Ptolemsas; but in 
the land as a whole the Arabs, the Ituraeans of Chalcis, and 
the Jews had it all their own way, except in so far as they 
fought with each other. Damascus soon after the death of 
Antiochus Dionysus (about 85) put itself into the hands of the 
Nabataean king Haretas III, to escape the worse fate of falling 
into the hands of the Ituraean dynast.^ The Ituraeans over- 
ran the Phoenician coast between Sidon and Theu-prosopon, 
wasting the fields of Byblos and Berytus.* On the seaboard 
between Phoenicia and Egypt, the cities where Hellenic culture 
had lately flourished, Gaza, Strato's Tower, Dora, were ruinous 
solitudes — monuments of the vengeance of the Jews. The 
peoples of the desert and its fringes, of regions like Idumaea, 
drifted into the country to efface the marks of the Greek, like 
the desert sand which submerges forsaken cities. The mixed 
population, Jewish for the most part in manners though not 
in origin, came to be classed indistinguishably under the name 
of Idumaeans. Government there was none. Ordered society 
gave place to bands of robbers and pirates. The homeless 
inhabitants of the towns which had been destroyed, the 
defeated factions of cities which still stood, took to brigandage 
as their living, or joined the great pirate confraternity.* 

Only a few cities like Ascalon, which had saved itself 
from the Jews by a timely subservience, still nursed in this 
region the seeds of Hellenic life. 

Was the work of Alexander and the Greek kings undone ? 
was all the land once more from Central Asia to the Mediter- 
ranean to go back to the Oriental ? At that moment there 
wanted but little for the whole to be once more in the posses- 
sion of native races and kings. Yes ; but even the conquests 
of an Oriental house did not bring about the state of things 

^ Joseph. xiiL § 392. ^ Strabo xvi. 755. 

' Ihid, xiv. 669 ; xvL 759. 


which had existed before the battle of Granicus. In the first 
place, these conquering dynasties had themselves, while retain- 
ing their native names and memories, assimilated to a greater 
or less degree the penetrating culture of the Greeks. Mace- 
donian blood ran in the veins of princes who bore the names 
of Mithradata or Ariorath. Greek was spoken at their courts ; ^ 
they prided themselves on being the champions of Hellenism. 
Even the kings of the Jews and of the Arabs took the surname 
of Phil-Hellena 

This consideration would, no doubt, tend to make the 
Greeks look upon the return of Oriental rule more favourably. 
At Antioch there had existed a party before 83 who were for 
calling in Mithridates of Pontus : Tigranes actually came in 
response to an invitation.* But, with all that, the prevailing 
feeling among the Greeks was one of antipathy to the Oriental 
dynasties. Do what they might to show their phil-Hellenism, 
they were in the eyes of the Greeks barbarians stilL Tigranes 
had been welcomed in Syria, but before long " the rule of the 
Armenians was intolerable to the Greeks."* Perhaps the 
Greeks were right in their feeling that Hellenic culture 
and Oriental despotism could not in the long run subsist 

In the second place, the existence of this great Greek 
population all over the Nearer East made the situation in 80 
B,c. in reality utterly different from the situation in 333. The 
Romans found this people, their natural allies, waiting for 
them when they came to take possession. It was a true 
instinct which led Alexander and his successors to make the 
foundation of their work a system of Greek cities. Their 
dynasties perished, but their cities remained. The Romans 
had not to begin the work over again. They had but to 
carry on a work which the disruption of the Greek dynasties 
had brought to a standstill. 

It was in 73 that the Romans put forth their strength a 
second time to roll back the power of Mithridates. We may 
regard that year as the date when the tide of barbarian advariM 

^ It will be remembered that the Parthian court, when the news of the defeat 
of Crassus arrived in 58, was watching a performance of the Bacchae of Eoripides. 
s Just. xl. 1, 2 f. * Plutarch, Lueutt. 21. 


wJmh since the death of Seleucus I had^ with an occasional 
Ttfi/wXy yet increasingly prevailed, turned before the advance of 
Rome, The last great general who was a sincere servant of 
the oligarchy, Lucius LucuUus, drove back Mithridates from 
Cyzicus, marched victoriously through Pontus, and in 69 
invaded Armenia, where Mithridates had sought refuge. 

Tigranes was at the moment pushing his conquests further 
south. He was already master of the Phoenician coast, and 
had taken Ptolemais, where Queen Selene had held out against 
him, when the news reached him that Lucullus was in Armenia. 
He hastily retired north, taking Selene with him, who by the 
fall of Ptolemais had come into his hands. At Seleucia on 
the Euphrates opposite Samosata she was imprisoned, and after 
some time put to death.^ The successes of Lucullus in Armenia 
brought about that or the following year the complete evacua- 
tion of Syria by the Armenian armies.^ 

Now the dethroned descendants of Seleucus saw their 
chance again. The son of Antiochus Eusebes, he probably 
whom we saw robbed by Verres some six years before, showed 
himself in Syria, and was hailed by Antioch as the lawful king.' 
Lucullus gave his sanction. So once more a Seleucid king 
reigned in Antioch, Antiochus XIII, nicknamed Asiaticus, from 
some temporary residence in Asia Minor.^ True to the character 
of his race, he was soon fighting, with whom we are not told, 
probably the neighbouring Arabs. The Arabs had now pushed 
into the Orontes valley itself Emisa (mod. Homs) was the seat 
of a chieftain called Shemash-geram (Sampsigeramus), who had 
also possession of Arethusa (mod. Ar-rastan).*^ With him, how- 
ever, Antiochus was friendly, and it was probably with the rival 
chief Aziz that Antiochus had come to blows. About 65 he 
suffered a defeat, which so damaged his credit at Antioch that 
there was a movement to drive him out again. Antiochus, 
however, was strong enough to quell it, and the ringleaders fled. 
A son of the late King Philip of the other Seleucid line was 
living in Cilicia, and the refugee Antiochenes persuaded him to 
try his chances in Syria. He made a compact with Aztz, and 

1 Strabo xvi. 749. • App. Syr. 49. » Ibid, 49 and 70. 

* Wilcken gives ground for believing that his official surname was that of his 
ikther, Ensebes. " Of. Strabo xvi. 758. 


was set, as a dependani of the Arab chiefs, upon the Seleucid 
throne. Antiochus placed all his hopes on the support of 
Shemash-geram, and the ruler of Emisa moved in fact down 
the Orontes with his bands. He asked Antiochus to come and 
confer with him in his camp. Antiochus, of course, went and 
was instantly made a prisoner. Shemash-geram had secretly 
arranged with Aziz that they should each make away with his 
Seleucid ally and divide the inheritance between them. Before, 
however, Aziz had carried out his part of the undertaking, 
Philip got wind of it and escaped to Antioch.^ 

When in 64 Pompey, having hunted Mithridates out of 
Asia, appeared as conqueror in Syria, to settle its affairs in the 
name of Bome, he received an application from Antiochus XIII, 
entreating to be restored to his throne.* But Pompey had a 
consciousness of what Bome was come into Asia to do— to 
establish a strong government which would protect the centres 
of Hellenic life from barbarian dominion. It was that which 
the cities expected from Home, and the restoration of such 
Seleucids as were now to be had was the last thing they 
wanted. According to one account, Antioch gave Pompey large 
sums to refuse the application of Antiochus.' The account 
is probably untrue, but it truly represents the attitude of 
Antioch. Pompey gave Antiochus a scornful answer. The 
man who had lost Syria to Tigranes was not the man to save 
it from Arabs and Jews.* Syria, except cities which were 
given their freedom or the districts left to native dynasts 
under Roman influence, was now made a Boman province and 
put under the direct rule of a Boman governor. The kingdom 
of the house of Seleucus was come to an utter end (64). 

What became of the surviving members of the royal house 
is lost in darkness. Antiochus XIII was sooner or later killed 
by Shemash-geram. Another of them was invited by envoys 

1 Diod. xl. 1» and 1^ 

^ Was Antiochus at this moment a prisoner of Sampsigeramus ? Kuhn thinks 
that he was ; Wilcken thinks this improbable. That he was before is certain, 
that he was afterwards is equally so, fdnce Sampsigeramus had him killed. 
Wilcken ingeniously suggests that Sampsigeramus wished him to be made king 
to obviate Syria becoming a Boman prorince, and therefore gave him his liberty 
in order that he might make his application, and that, when Pompey refused, he 
again imprisoned him. Where King Philip II was all this time we have no idea. 

s Eus. L p. 261. * Just. xl. 2, 3 f. 


from Alexandria in 58 to come to Egypt and marry Berenice, 
the daughter of Ptolemy Auletes, who reigned there during a 
temporary expulsion of her father. " He, however," says the 
account, "fell sick and died." If he is identical with the 
person nicknamed Kybiosaktes by the Alexandrians,^ what 
happened is that the unhappy man accepted the invitation and 
was incontinently strangled by Berenice. Philip II, the last 
Seleucid king, reappears for a moment in 56, when he also 
received an invitation from Alexandria to come and be king 
in Egypt, but was forbidden by Aulus Gabinius, the proconsul 
of Sjrria, to go. Then he, and with him the house of Seleucus, 
finally disappears.^ 

There were still people for many generations who prided 
themselves on having in their veins the blood of the imperial 
house. A priestess of Artemis at Laodicea-on-the-sea, in the 
beginning of the second century after Christ, tells us in her 
funeral inscription that she is sprung '* from King Seleucus 
Nicator." • The dynasty of Commagene vaunted it, and after 
the dynasty was brought down, the last members of the family. 
One of them, Gains Julius Antiochus Philopappus, put up the 
well-known monument at Athens about 115 A.D. with a statue 
of Seleucus Nicator, his great ancestor.* Another of them, a 
lady in the train of the Empress Sabina, the wife of Hadrian, 
visited the Egyptian Thebes in 130 A.D., and left upon the 
colossal " Memnon," the image of King Amenhotep III, some 
Greek verses, legible to-day, which record the praises of her 
mistress and her own royal descent.^ It is as if here, upon this 
monument of the dead empire of the Dawn, the powers of 
later fame would leave a register of their passage, a remem- 
brance of names which in their hour were great, they also, in 
the earth. 

1 Strabo xvu. 796. 

' £u8. i. p. 261. There is a special monograph on the Seleucids subsequent 
to the death of Antiochus Sidetes by Adolf Kuhn {Beitrdge zur Gesehichte der 
Seleuhiden, Altkirch 1891). ' C.LO. No. 4471. 

* C.LAU, iii. No. 557. » C.I.O. Nos. 4725-4780. 


The kingdoms of Alexander and his successors show a mingUng 
of several distinct traditions, which they did not succeed in 
altogether happily reconciling. We may distinguish three. 
(1) There was the Oriental tradition, the forms and con- 
ceptions which the new rulers of the East inherited from the 
" barbarian " Empires which went before them ; (2) there was 
the Macedonian tradition ; and (3) the Hellenic. 

In the political constitution of the realm the Oriental 
tradition was predominant, for the kings were absolute despots. 
There was the same sort of government machine that there 
had always been since monarchy arose in the East, with the 
sovereign at the head of it and a hierarchy of officials who 
derived all their authority from him — satraps and district 
governors, secretaries, and overseers of taxes. Seleucus Nicator 
had publicly adopted the principle of despotism that the will 
of the King overrode every other sort of law.^ We have seen 
the Seleucid kings following in their practice the barbarian 
precedent — in the punishment of rebels (Molon and Achaeus). 

But with all this, the successors of Alexander made a pride 
of distinguishing themselves from their barbarian predecessors 
— Pharaohs, Babylonians, and Persians. They would have 
the world remember that they were Macedonians.^ They 
avoided the use of titles which had an Oriental colour. " King 
of kings," for instance, no Seleucid is found to call himself. 

^ See vol. L p. 64, and MitteiB, Reieharecht u, Volksrechi, p. 9. 
' PaasAniM says of the Ptolemies : ix^P^^ 7^ ^h Maiccd6yef oi, iv klylnm^ 
KaKo6/JX¥oi paaiKeiSi Ka$dwep yt Ijffay, x, 7, 8. Cf. vi. 8, 1. 



'* Great King " was a title borne only when there was some 
special reason to emphasize the Oriental dominion, as in the 
case of Antiochus III ^ and Antiochus Sidetes.^ 

It is noteworthy that the inscription put up at Delos in 
honour of Antiochus III by the courtier Menippus» while 
giving him the title of Great King, qualifies it by describing 
him as " a Macedonian/' ^ 

Did anything of old Macedonian custom survive in the 
constitution of the Seleudd realm? In Macedonia, as we 
saw, before Alexander, while the King was supreme and 
apparently unfettered by any legal form, he was practically 
restrained both by the hereditary nobility and by the will of 
the people as expressed in the assemblies of the national army. 
The state of things was thus closely analogous to what we 
find among the Romans in the days of the kingdom.^ Do 
either of these forms of restraint appear in the Seleucid realm ? 

We certainly find a nobility, but it was not such a nobility 
as could restrict the King's power. It was not a nobility of 
great families with a power resting on landed domains and 
local influence — such a nobility of barons as the old Macedonian 
kings, like the Persian kings and the kings of England, had 
to deal with : it was a nobility of court creation, the standing 
of whose members consisted in a personal relation to the King. 
We shall look more closely at it when we come to consider 
the court In the train of the chiefs who made themselves 
kings after Alexander's death there must have been many 
representatives of the old Macedonian aristocracy: they and 
their descendants after them may have been persons of in- 
fluence at the new courts, but they had, of course, by being 
severed from their ancestral soil, lost any independent power 
as against the King, and must have soon been merged in the 
new nobility, consisting of those whom the King's favour 
elevated. Such a family, we may divine, was that of Achfiieus, 
of whom came the mother of Attains I and the queen of 
Seleucus IL 

As in old Rome, so in the Macedonian kingdom under 
Philip the father of Alexander, the idea of people and army 

> Michel, Nos. 467, 1229. > Ibid, No. 1158. 

> Ibid, No. 1297. * Pelham, OuUinea of lUnnan Hidory, p. 22. 


had coincided. The army acted as the Macedonian people 
assembled under arms. And during the career of Alexander 
we find it by no means passive : it judges the Macedonians 
accused of treason : its will, even when informally expressed, 
is a factor with which Alexander has to reckon. 

The Roman popular assembly came into action especially 
at a transference of the royal power, for the election of a new 
king. So at Alexander's death we find the Macedonian army 
electing Philip Arrhidaeus. In the first years of confused 
struggle we hear repeatedly of the army acting as a political 
body. The Regent Perdiccas brings a question before the 
" general assembly of the Macedonians.*' ^ Ptolemy is accused 
by Perdiccas before the Assembly and acquitted.^ After 
the death of Perdiccas, it is the Macedonian army which, on 
the proposition of Ptolemy, elects Pithon and Arrhidaeus to 
take his place.' Then it passes sentence of death upon 
Eumenes and others of the adherents of Perdiccas.* When 
Pithon and Arrhidaeus lay aside their power at Triparadisus. 
they do so before an Assembly, and " the Macedonians " choose 
Antipater as Regent^ In the days that followed, the Macedonian 
army ceased to be a unity. It was broken up among the 
different chiefs. But we still find Antigonus following the 
old practice in 315 and assembling his Macedonian troops 
before Tyre to hear his accusation of Cassander and vote him 
a public enemy.* 

Does the Seleucid realm show any trace of a similar 
assembly ? Even if we had no reference to such a thing, we 
could not use the argument from silence, where our sources 
are so imperfect But as a matter of fact, wq have several 

^ iirl rb Kowbv tuv y[aK€S6p(av vXrjdoty Diod. xviii. 4, 3. 

^ Karriyofyfyrat 9i TlToXefifUov Kdnlvov ixl toO tXi^Bovs dvoXvofiivov rds oUrlas 
Kal d6^as fi^ dUoua iriKoXeuf, 6fiMt koI tov vXi^Oovs otrx ^k^tos iroXefieTf Arr. Td 
Mcr' 'AX^f 28. » Diod. xviii 86, 7. * Ibid. x?iii. 87, 2. 

'^ (Twfiyayw iKKXrjiriatf Kal r^v iirifUXeiav dtrelwavTo. ol 9i Majiced6yct iirifUXifripf 
elXoin'o 'AjrrliraTpov airoKpd.ropa,y Diod. xviii. 89, 2. 

' airbtbk (ntvayayCw rCav re ffrpariorriap xal T(av vapciridrifJMvvTuif KOOf^ iKK\ri<rltuf, 
KaTTfybfnia^e Koffffdvdpov . . . awayayajcrot^Tuy H tuv ixXtay, (ypai/^e 96yfM Kaff 
d T&v KdaffavSpw hjrriiplffaro iroXifuw ehfcu . . . iiriylrtf^ofUvuv Si rOv ffrpanwrCty 
Td jn\divra, dunriareiXe wfurraxv fo^ KOfuovvras t6 ibyfUL, Diod. xix. 61, 8. See 
Niese i. p. 277, note 8 ; Kohler, '' Das Reich des Antigonos," Sitzungsb. Berl, 1898, 
p. 884. 


references which seem to point to a survival of the practice, 
and just on the occasions we should expect from what has 
gone before — where a transference or delegation of the royal 
authority is in question. Seleucus I, having resolved to make 
his son Antiochus king of the eastern provinces, calls together 
the " army," or, as Plutarch puts it, an ** Assembly of all the 
people " {irdv&Tffio^ i/c/c\rj<rLa)y to give its approval^ It is the 
army which calls Antiochus from Babylon to ascend the throne, 
on the murder of Seleucus III.* The guardians of the child 
Antiochus V are said to have been given him " by the people." * 
Tryphon, when he would make himself king, to the exclusion 
of the Seleucid dynasty, solicits election at the hands of the 
"soldiery"* or "the people."* 

We see from all this that at important conjunctures an 
assembly of " the army " or the " people " was still called into 
action. But it is less clear of whom precisely the army in 
question consisted. The place of assembly can hardly have been 
anywhere but Antioch, the seat of government, but it is difficult 
to suppose that the Assembly which determined the govern- 
ment of the Empire was identical with the popular assembly, 
the demos, of the city Antioch. Although the military head- 
quarters were at Apamea, there must have been a camp near 
the King's person at Antioch. And the soldiers who formed 
it consisted no doubt mainly of " Macedonians " i,e. the 
descendants (real or professed) of the Macedonians settled by 
Alexander, Antigonus, and Seleucus I in the East. On them, 
we may believe, the old customary rights of the Macedonian 
army devolved. There was apparently a large proportion of 
Antiochenes in the home-bom army, and to that extent the 
people who voted in the civic assembly of Antioch as members 
of a Hellenic demos would also, we must suppose, take part in 
the imperial assembly of the Macedonian army. There was 
in this way a real popular demerit in the Seleucid realm. The 
Boman Empire also was a military despotism, but there was 
this difference, that the Boman troops who disposed of the 

1 App. Syr, 61 ; Plutarch, Dem, 38. 
' Eat. i 268 ; Jerome on Daniel 11, 10. 
' Justin xxxiv. 8, 6. ^ Joseph. Arch, xiii. § 219.. 

' Justin xxxYL 1, 7. 


imperial throne were largely barbarians from the outlying 
provinces or beyond, whilst the Seleucid army was mainly 
home-bom. The attempt of the Cretan mercenaries under 
Demetrius II to get rid of the home-bom army provoked, as 
we have seen, a national rebellion. 

In the political frame Oriental despotism and Macedonian 
popular kingship were thus combined ; the Hellenic tradition 
was opposed in principle to monarchy, and could therefore 
hardly find a place in the constitution.^ But it was seen in 
the policy and spirit of the administration. It was as Hellenic 
rulers that the kings created city-states in every quarter, 
and dealt tenderly with the popular forms, the "ancestral 
constitution" (irarpla iroXiTeia) in the older Greek cities. 
There was, as has been said, a fundamental incompatibility 
between the desire to rule over Greeks and the desire to be 
a patron of Hellenism. But how far a Seleucid king could 
go in the latter direction we see in the case of Antiochus 
Epiphanes. Again, the intelligence and progressiveness which 
belonged to the intellectual part of Greek culture showed itself 
in the scientific exploration of the realm, the attempt to open 
new ways, the Hellenic iiri/iiXeui, which marked Seleucid rule, 
when it got a little respite from the sequence of war on war. 
But being above all things fighters, the Seleucid kings had 
less scope to show their Hellenic quality than Ptolemies and 
Attalids. As benefactors of the states of Greece they had, 
before Antiochus Epiphanes, been behind their rivals.* The 
Macedonian in them seems to the end to predominate over 
the Hellene. 

The regime of the palace we should probably at first sight 
pronounce to be Oriental There was the army of chamberlains 
and cooks and eunuchs. There was the display of crimson and 
gold, the sofb raiment, the stringed instruments, the odours of 

^ It is of course true that monarchy was a common phenomenon in the Greek 
city states in the form of tyranniea^ but tyrannies were regarded as violations of 
right. It is also true that Greek philosophers had sought a rational basis for 
monarchy, and depicted the ideal monarch (Kaerst, Studien zur ErUvnckdung der 
Manarchie im Altertum), but their theories were not in sympathy with the 
ordinary ideas of the market-place, the main current of Greek feeling and practice, 
which was still republican. ' Polyb. xxix. 24, 18. 

VOL. II 1 


myrrh, aloes, and cassia. Bat here again we shall see the 
Macedonian and the HeUenic tradition taking eflfect 

As we cast round our eyes, we should have observed that 
while material and colour were of an Oriental splendour, the 
form was Greek By the fashion of column and doorway, 
the painted waUs, the shape of candelabrum and cup, the 
dresses of men and women, we should have known ourselves in 
a Greek house. The King wore as the symbol of his royalty 
a band tied about his head. This use of the diadem was 
Oriental But here again the form was Greek. The diadem 
of the Oriental kings was an elaborate head-dress ; the diadem 
of the Greek kings was such as was common in Greece, as a 
sign, not of royalty, but of victory in the games — a narrow 
linen band. The royal dress was the old national dress of the 
Macedonians glorified. That had not been like the garb worn 
by Greek citizens in the city, but such as was worn for hunting 
and riding, and was therefore characteristic of the Northern 
Greeks and Macedonians, who lived an open country life. It 
consisted of a broad-brimmed hat, a shawl or mantle biooched 
at the throat or shoulder and falling on either side to about 
the knees in " wings " (the Mamys), and high-laced boots with 
thick soles {Kfyqirlhes:). Of these three parts — the hat, the 
chlamys, and the high boots — the royal dress of a Ptolemy or 
a Seleucid king was to the end composed.^ But it was 
gorgeously transfigured. The peculiar Macedonian hat, the 
kavsia, had apparently no crown; it was a large felt disc 
attached to the head, and suggested a mushroom to the 
Athenian mocker.* As worn by the kings, it was dyed 
crimson with the precious juice won by immense labour from 
the sea,' and the diadem was in some way tied round it, or 
under it, its ends hanging loose about the neck. The diadem 
itself was inwrought with golden thread. The chlamys was 
no less splendid. That made for Demetrius Poliorcetes, when 
King in Macedonia, is described to us. It was of the darkness 
of the night-sky, covered with golden stars — all the constella- 
tions and signs of the Zodiac. The boots of the same king 
were of crimson felt, embroidered with gold.* 

1 Plutai-ch, Anton, 64. * Plaut. Trinum, iv. 2, 9. 

' xauala^ dXoi;p7^, Athon. xii. 536 a. ^ Athen. loc. cU, ; Plutarch, Dem, 41. 


We are told of Alexander that he wore on occasion the 
peculiar insignia of this or that deity, sometimes the horns and 
Egyptian shoes of Ammon, sometimes the bow and quiver of 
Artemis, or again the garb of Hermes, which, being that of a 
young man on travel, was not unlike the Macedonian dress — a 
crimson chlamys, an under robe striped with white (x^twi^ 
/j^aoTi^evKo^) such as, according to Persian custom, none but 
the King might wear,^ and a kavsia with the diadem — only on 
giving audience in state the more distinctive emblems of 
Hermes, winged sandals and caduceus, were also assumed ; or 
at other times Alexander appeared as Heracles, with the club 
and lion-skin.^ This statement is generally discredited as the 
gossip of a later generation, and unworthy of Alexander ; but 
even if not true of Alexander, it points perhaps to a practice 
of impersonating deities at the courts of the successors. We 
hear of Themison, the favourite of Antiochus II, masquerading 
as Heracles, and the last Cleopatra of £^ypt as Aphrodite or 
as Isis.^ In other cases, therefore, the royal dress was possibly 
modelled on the conventional garb of some god, and such 
emblems as horns and wings, which appear on the heads in 
coins, may have been actually worn. If so, the unfortunate 
suggestion of the theatre, which the Greeks found even in the 
gorgeous chlamys and high-boots of the kings, must have been 
doubly accentuated.* 

The special emblem of the Seleucid house was the anchor, 
which appears on many of their coins. Various stories were 
current in later times to explain it — that Laodice, the mother 
of Seleucus, dreamed she had conceived of Apollo, and that the 
god had given her a signet with the device of an anchor, and 
just such a ring she actually found next day, which her son 
always wore ; ^ that his mother had given him the ring because 
she had been told in a dream that in whatever place it was 
lost, there he should be King; that when Seleucus was in 
Babylon he stumbled over a stone ; the stone was raised and 
an anchor was found underneath, signifying that he was come 

^ Xen. Oyrop. viii. 8, 13. ' Ephippus ap. Athen. xii. 537 e, 

» Plutarch, Anton. 26 ; 64. 

* See the articles on *'Gausia," "Chlamys" and '^Crepida" in Daremberg 
and Saglio. ^ Just xv. 4. 


to remain.^ As the anchor is already found on the coins which 
Seleucus strikes as satrap of Babylon (before 305), it was 
obviously a device belonging to his family before he had risen 
to empire. In that case its origin goes back into obscurity, 
and while the later stories are rejected, we are not likely to 
gain any result by guessing in the dark. The belief is note- 
worthy that all the descendants of Seleucus were bom with 
the anchor marked upon their thigh.* 

The language of the court and government was, of course, 
Greek. That a Seleucid king knew the language of any of his 
native subjects — Aramwic or Phoenician or Persian — is highly 
improbable; it was thought a wonder in the last Cleopatra 
that she could speak Egyptian. How far Macedonian survived 
we do not know ; it seems to have been thought the proper 
thing for a Ptolemy or a Seleucid to keep up the speech of his 
fathers, but some of them, we are told, omitted to do so.* The 
intellectual atmosphere of the court was Greek ; its degree 
would depend upon the individual king. In literary brilliance 
the Seleucid court did not compete with the Ptolemaic or the 
Pergamene; but a goodly number of Greek men of letters, 
philosophers and artists must always have been found at the 
King's table. Aratus of Soli lived for a time at the court of 
Antiochus I and made an edition of the Odyssey on the King's 
order.* The poet Euphorion was made by Antiochus III 
librarian of the public library in Antioch, and ended his days 
in Syria.^ Antiochus IV was, of course, exceptional in his 
Hellenic enthusiasm, and made Antioch for the moment the 
chief centre of artistic activity in the Greek world. A recently 
deciphered papyrus from Herculaneum throws a curious light 
upon the relations of this Eling with philosophers. The 
papyrus is a life of the Epicurean philosopher Philonides. 
Antiochus Epiphanes did not regard that school with favour, 
and Philonides went to the Syiian court with a large body of 
literary men to convert him. After Antiochus had been plied 
with a battery of no less than one hundred and twenty -five 
tracts he succumbed. He embraced the Epicurean doctrine and 

^ App. Syr, 56. ^ Justio loc. cU. ^ Plutarch, Anion, 27. 

* Knaack, art. ** Aratos, No. 6 " in Pauly- Wissowa. 

^ Suidas. 



made admirable progress as a disciple. Later on Demetrius 
Soter treated FhUonides with great consideration ; he insisted 
on having the philosopher continually with him, that they 
might discuss and read together. Hence Fhilonides acquired 
great influence, which he did not use, his biographer throws in, 
reflecting on what other philosophers did under such circum- 
stances, to be given a voice in the Council or a place in embassies 
and such like, but for helping the necessities of Greek cities 
like Laodicea-on-the-sea.^ Even Alexander Balas dabbled in 
philosophy and professed himself a Stoic. That Seleucid kings 
retained contact with Hellenic culture almost to the end of 
the dynasty we may infer from the places where some of the 
later kings were brought up — Antiochus Grypos at Athens, 
Antiochus IX at Cyzicus. Antiochus Grypos was even, as we 
saw, himself an author. 

The letter of a King Antiochus cited by Athenaeus shows 
a very different attitude to philosophers. The ofl&cial to whom 
it is addressed, Fhanias, is instructed to suffer no philosopher 
to be in " the city " or its territory, as they did the young men 
such harm. The philosophers are to be all banished, all young 
men caught dealing with them to be hanged, and their fathers 
subjected to strict inquisition. Radermacher, who has dis- 
cussed this odd document,^ shows that its Greek is of a 
popular kind, and he suggests that it is a Jewish forgery 
intended to discredit the Seleucid kings. That any Seleucid 
king wished to drive all philosophers cmt of the kingdom, as 
Athenaeus understands the letter, is certainly incredible. But 
it does not seem to me impossible that they might have been 
banished from a particular city, even from Antioch, if they 
were supposed to be instilling a dangerous republicanisnL We 
must remind ourselves once more that there was a radical 
inconsistency in the position of a Seleucid king as a patron 
and defender of Hellenism and as a lord over Greek city-states. 
Which aspect was prominent depended on the circumstances 
of the moment, and during the last tumultuous years of the 
dynasty we see a strong movement towards independence in 
the Greek cities of Syria and Cilicia. And it was just 
these last kings, sunk to be almost captains of bandits, who 

1 See Appendix X. * Bhein. Mu8. N.F. ItL (1901), p. 202 f. 


might be expected to show as poor a Hellenism in their 
literary style as in their coins. The letter therefore seems to 
me a possible one from an Antiochus of the generation of 
Philadelphus or Asiaticus. But that the hypothesis of Eader- 
macher is equally possible I should not attempt to deny. 

The ceremonial of the court I should judge to be much 
freer than in the Iranian kingdoms. There is, for instance, no 
record of any Seleucid attempting to introduce the Oriental 
practice of prostration {proskynesis\ as Alexander had done. 
No doubt the main recreations were himting and feasting, both 
of which had taken a large place in old Macedonian, as in old 
Persian, life.^ We have indications that the ancestral passion 
for hunting did not die out in the Seleucid and Ptolemaic 
houses. Demetrius I, we saw, Polybius knew as a keen 
sportsman, and even in the last degeneracy of the house 
Antiochus Cyzicenus was noted for his daring and skill in the 
field. The same thing is told us of Ptolemy V Epiphanes.* 

In the royal banquets the splendour and abundance of 
gold and silver plate, the profusion of choice wines, seemed 
to show Oriental luxury ; • but at no time more than in his 
convivial hours was the difference between the Macedonian King 
and the Oriental Great Eling thrown into prominence. The 
seclusion and unapproachableness of the Oriental monarch were 
among his essential characteristics.^ On the other hand, even 
Alexander, for all his assumption of the Great King, maintained 
to the end the old Macedonian way of good-fellowship and 
familiarity over the wine-cup. The abandonment of all dignity 
at such hours which the Macedonian King permitted himself 
was an offence even to the more correct Greeks, and the stories 
told us of Antiochus Epiphanes are to some extent explained 
by Macedonian manners. For we hear that at the court of his 
father, Antiochus the Great King, the armed dance was gone 
through at dinner not only by the King's Friends, but by the 

^ No man, according to old Macedonian custom, might recline at table till he 
had killed his boar, Hegesander ap. Athen. i 18 a. For the Persian love of 
hunting see Spiegel, Eran, Alt. iii p. 678. 

« Polyb. xxii. 8, 8. 

3 Ka2 Tdp ira2 rd rt^ r&ruv liSif 'ASe^pSpq) 4s rb PapfiapiKtin-epop vtv€wr4pwro^ 
An*. Anah. iv. 8, 2. For the Seleucid banquets, Posidonius, frags. 30, 81 
(F,H.Q, iii p. 268). « Hdt. i. 99. 


King himself.^ And it is noteworthy that for the chief to 
dance a war dance after a feast is a custom shown us by 
Xenophon among the neighbours of the Macedonians, the 

When we turn to the Seleucid queens we see a curious 
mingling of all three traditions. The Hellenic is traced in the 
fact that the Seleucids and Ptolemies were so far monogamous 
that they had at one time only one legitimate or official wife. 
For the old Macedonian kings, like the Oriental, were poly- 
gamous ; ^ and they were followed in this respect by Alexander, 
who was more inclined than his successors to preserve the 
fashion of Oriental courts.* The monogamy was official only, 
for the kings kept mistresses at their pleasure, some of whom, 
like the mistress of Antiochus Epiphanes, might be openly 
invested with power.^ On the other hand, in the choice of their 
wives Ptolemies and perhaps Seleucids foUowed the Oriental 
practice in a way which outraged Greek moraUty by marrying 
their sisters. The practice had been allowable in Egypt, and 
among the ancient Persians was not only allowable, but 
specially pleasing to God. It must be admitted that there 
is no certain instance of the marriage of full brother and sister 
among the Seleucids; that of Antiochus, the eldest son of 
Antiochus III and Laodice, is probably such, but Laodice may 
have been only his half-sister, as Laodice, the mother of 
Seleucus II, was of Antiochus 11. 

It was in the character and action of the Seleucid and 
Ptolemaic queens that the Macedonian blood and tradition 
showed itself. Both dynasties exhibit a series of strong- 
willed, masculine, unscrupulous women of the same type as 

^ Demetrius of Scepsis ap. Athen. iy. 155 b, 

» Xen. Andb. vii 3, 33. 

' Niese i. p. 43. 

^ Possibly the 6rst generation of Successors were also polygamous ; Demetrius 
Poliorcetes at any rate had more than one wife at the same time. I do not think 
we can press the phraseology of a hieroglyphic inscription which speaks of 
Ptolemy II and his '* wives" (Strack, p. 67). Arsinoe, the daughter of 
Lysimachus, the mother of Ptolemy III, was alive when he married Arsinoe 
Philadelphus. But Arsinoe I seems to have been divorced, in which case it 
was not really a case of bigamy, Sehol. ad Theoc 17, 128. 

' See page 182. The mistress of S«leacu8 II, vol. i. p. 195. 


those who fought and intrigued for power in the old Mace- 
donian kingdom. The last Cleopatra of Egypt is the best 
known to us, but she was only a type of her class. There 
was no relegation of queens and princesses to the obscurity of 
a harem. They mingled in the political game as openly as the 
men. It was in the political sphere, rather than in that of 
sensual indulgence, that their passions lay and their crimes 
found a motive. Sometimes they went at the head of armies. 
We have seen one of them drive, spear in hand, through the 
streets of Antioch to do vengeance on her enemies. It is 
only in the intensity and recklessness vdth which they 
pursue their ends that we see any trace of womanhood left 
in theuL 

The King was surrounded by the nobility of the court, who 
bore the title of Friends (^/Xot). To their body ^ the great 
officials of the kingdom, the ministers of the different depart- 
ments, the higher officers of the army belonged. They furnished 
a Council {awihpiov), which regularly assisted the Eling with 
its advice on matters of state.' The Friends were distinguished 
by the wearing of crimson, just as the nobility of the Achae- 
menian kingdom had been, and similar names were current 
among the Greeks to describe them.^ This is explained by 
the custom, both among the Persians^ and among the Mace- 
donians,^ for the kings to make presents of costly dresses 
to their friends; according to Xenophon,^ no one at the 
Persian court might wear such dresses and golden ornaments 
except those who had received them as a gift from the King. 
We have an indication that the same rule held good in the 
Seleucid kingdom.^ In modem Persia the giving of a rich 
dress is an ordinary mark of the Shah's favour. 

* 0/X(inr avyrdyfia, Polyb. xxzi. 8, 7. 

' It is perhaps unwise to regard the Coancil or its name of Friends as a 
borrowing of any particular tradition, although close parallels can be found 
(for instance in old Egypt, see Erman, trans. Tirard, p. 72), since such a Cour.cdi 
must exist in every monarchic state, and would naturally at its start bo formed 
of the King's friends. 

' <f>oufiKi(rHit fioffiXeios, Xen. Anab, L 2, 20 ; ''purpurati," Liv. xxx. 42, 6 ; 
xzxvii. 23, 7, etc. 

* Hdt. iii. 84. » Plut Eum, 8. « Oyrop, viiL 2, 8. 
7 1 Maoc. 10, 20 ; 62 ; 89 ; 11, 58 ; Athen. v. 211 h. 


Within the body of Friends we iind a variety of grades. 
So far as the few notices relating to the Seleucid court take 
us, they show a close analogy to the system revealed by the 
papyri at the Ptolemaic court in the second century B.G., and 
Strack, in his article on the Ptolemaic titles,^ advances the 
theory that the system was borrowed under Ptolemy V 
Epiphanes from the court of his great father-in-law, Antiochus 
III. The order of these classes is not clearly fij^ed by existing 
data; it is certain that the highest was that of the Kinsmen 
(avyyeveZ^).^ In writing to a Kinsman the King addresses 
him as "brother" or "father."* Next to the order of 
Kinsmen came, in Egypt, a set of people described as ofiorifioi 
TOL^ auyyevia-iv, to which we cannot yet prove a parallel at 
the Seleucid court ; nor have the apxt'O'cafiaro^vkaKe^ or the 
StdSaXpt yet been discovered in a Seleucid document. But 
the Trp&Tot ^ikoL of the Ptolemaic system are mentioned.'^ 

It is important to observe, as Strack points out, that these 
titles did not carry office with them, although they were, of 
course, regularly conferred upon those who held high positions 
in the government or army or court Their nearest analogy in 
our world is -the honorary orders of European courts. 

Just as the Friends as a whole were distinguished by the 
crimson of their apparel, so it would seem that there was a 
graduated scale of splendour for the different grades. We 
hear of the golden brooch which it was customary to give to the 
King's Kinsmen ^ — some badge which makes the analogy vdth 
our orders still closer. 

Admission to the class of Friends depended entirely upon 
the King's will ; the standing of the nobleman was not any- 

1 Khevn, Mus. N.F. Iv. (1900), p. 161 f. 

3 1 Mftco. 10, 89 ; 11, 31 ; 2 Mace. 11, 1. 

s Strack, op, eit, p. 170 ; Joseph. xiL § 148 ; 1 Mace. 11, 32 ; 2 Mace. 11, 22. 
The same form of address was usual between one king and another {ffermes, zxiz. 
(1894), p. 436). If the letter in 1 Mace 10, 18, has any real document at the base 
of it, it is surprising that Jonathan should be addressed as ** brother *' when he is 
apparently only made a Friend. 

^ rCav TfHirtap 4>[\tap, 1 Macc 10, 65 ; 11, 27 ; Michel, No. 1158. In Liyy we 
hear of a ^'princepa amicorum" (xzzv. 15, 7), which one susptets to be a mis- 
translation of tQv irfHiruiw iplXuiw, Honorary <ruifjLaro^{\ajc€f under Antiochus I, 
Athen. i. 19 d. 

> 1 Macc. 10, 89. 


thing he possessed in himself or could transmit to his heirs ; ^ 
it consisted in a personal relation to the King. It ceased when 
the diadem passed to a stranger.^ No qualification, except to 
have pleased the King's fancy, was necessary in order to be 
classed with the Friends. Any one of the crowd of parasites 
whom the chances of lucre or honour drew to the royal courts 
might be invested with the rank, whether his native place was 
within the King's dominions or beyond, whether he was Greek 
or barbarian.* 

Of the great officers of state the highest is he who is 
described as o iirl r&v Trparffidrayv,* His position corresponds 
to that of a grand vizir in a Mohammedan kingdom. When 
the King is a minor, he is at the head of the administration, 
and combines with the office of prime minister that of regent or 
guardian (eVtVpoTro?).^ He probably in most cases, if not all, 
held the rank of Kinsman.^ 

We hear also of an eTrtaroKo^pd^o^y " Secretary of State." 
Dionysius, who holds the position under Antiochus IV, is able 
to put a thousand slaves into the procession at Daphne, each 
carrying a piece of silver plate of one thousand dnu^hmae or 
over.^ Bithys, the emaro\oypdif>o^ of Antiochus Grypos, puts 
up a statue of that king at Delos, on the basis of which he gives 
his title of Kinsman.^ 

Another of the principal offices was that of minister of 

^ The titles were not hereditary, Strack, op, cU, p. 178. But perhaps they 
might be so in special cases by the King's decree. Cf. 1 Mace 2, 18, rOr afiv , . . 
Tolriaw rb wpixrrayfM t(w patriXitas . . . kcU (<rg ai> Kal 6 oXxSt cov tup <f>t\iap rov 
PoffiKitat. The context, however, perhaps suggests that this only means that the 
family as a whole would be remembered by the King for good. 

s Jonathan, who had been rwv Tpdrrtay ^l\<ay of Demetrius II, is admitted, as 
a new thing, into the order of the Friends of Tryphon (1 Mace. 11, 57 ; cf. v. 27). 

' Hegesianax of Alexandria Troas was made a Friend of Antiochus III for 
reciting a poem in honour of the King, Demetrius ap. Athen. iv. 155 h, 

* 6 Tpo€ffru)S r(ap Skwp itpayfjuirtav^ Polyb. v. 41. rbv . . . iirl tup Tpayfidrtop 
TerayfUuoPt Bull. corr. hell. i. (1877), p. 285. KwriKitirev Avalop . , , iirl rCiv 
Tpayfidrwp rod pcuriXiuft, 1 Maoc. 3, 32. rdp ixl tCw irpayfxdrotPf 2 Mace. 8, 7 ; 
11, 1 ; 13, 2. rbp xpocffTqKbra r^t /Sao-cXeiai, Diod. xxxiii. 5. irpd7/iara=/3cur(Xc(a. 
Cf. \7riar€m koX €iip6Lai\ rijs elt iifuLs koX rd Tpdyftaraf Philologus xvii p. 845. 

» 2 Mace. 11, 1. • Lysias, Lasthenes. " Polyb. xxxi. 8, 16. 

8 Bull carr. heU. viii. (1884), p. 106. 


finance (o en-l r&v irpoaohtov), which Antiochus Epiphanes 
gave to his favourite Heraclides.^ 

Of the functionaries of the court we get a notion from a 
Delian inscription ^ in honour of Craterus the eunuch. He 
combines the offices of chief physician {apj(iarpos;) and " lord 
of the Queen's bedchamber" {iirl rov koit&vo^ t^9 PaaCKiaaT^s:)] 
his rank is that of the First Friends. Two of the men 
who were connected as court physicians with the house of 
Seleucus left their mark in the history of Greek medicine, 
Erasistratus, the physician of Seleucus I, and ApoUophanes of 
Seleucia, whom we saw at the court of Antiochus III.' 

A custom found in Persia* of bringing up children of 
nobles at the palace together with the children of the royal 
house seems to have been followed both in old Macedonia 
and in the courts of the Successors. One gathers this from 
the frequency with which persons of high station are described 
as "foster-brothers" {auvrpo^oi) of the King.^ Under the 
Seleucids we have Philip, the foster-brother of Antiochus III,^ 
Heliodorus of Seleucus IV/ Philip of Antiochus IV,* ApoUonius 
of Demetrius I.® Whether the children were all regularly 
under the eye of a t/7o^u9, or whether it is only due to the 
peculiar circumstances of princes brought up away from home, ' 
when we find some one described as rpo^v?,^^ I do not know 
that we can say. 

* App. Syr, 45. I have found no other mention of it. The inscription of 
Eriza {BtUL corr. hell, zv. (1891), p. 556) seems to refer to a provincial, not an 
imperial, official. 

2 Michel, No. 1158. 

8 In the inscriptions relating to the Pontic court an analogy with the 
Seleucid can be traced in certain particulars, i.e. the mention of a ir^rpo^, an 
dpxlcerpoSf and of wpuroi 0iXoi as an order, and probably the correspondence would 
be seen to be much completer did we know more. The offices mentioned beside 
that of dpxicLTpos are (1)6 reraryiUvoi ijrl rod inropfyfirov ; (2) 6 irl rod iyxj^ifniiov ; 
(3) 6 rerayfUvos ixl tQ>v dvrdfxetar fituriXitin ; (4) 6 rerayfUvoi ixl tQv dvaKpl<r€(a» 
{Bull. corr. hell, vii p. 364 f. ). 

* Xen. Andb. i. 9, 3. 

' In the old Macedonian kingdom Marsyas of Pella is called a ff^m-po^tot of 
Alexander (Snidas), and a reflection ^f the custom may be found in the expression 
of 1 Mace. 1, 6, describing Alexander's generals, ro^ ffW€KTp64>ovs a^oO dxd 
webrrrroi. « Polyb. v. 82, 8. ' BvU. corr. hell. i. p. 285. 

8 2 Maco. 9, 29. • Polyb. xxxi. 21, 2. 

^° Diodorus of Demetrius I (Polyb. xxxL 20, 3), Craterus of Cyzicenus (Michel, 
No. 1158). 


From the sons of nobles grown old enough tx) bear arms a 
corps of attendants on the King was formed with the name of 
ficurtXcKol TrdtBe^;} They figure more than once in the wars 
of Alexander, and we saw that Seleucus I was perhaps at one 
time their commander. The institution continued at the later 
Macedonian courts. And it still apparently served the pur- 
pose for which it was intended, that of a " seminarium ducum 
praefectorumque." Myiscus, who commanded a division of the 
elephants at Baphia, is mentioned as having been promoted 
from the corps of iraiBe^.^ They appear as a body, six hundred 
strong, in the pomp of Daphne.* 

We come now to consider the army of the Seleucid king- 
dom.^ As is implied in the nature of a military despotism, its 
part was a very important one. Its will might make and 
unmake kings. Its disposition is given a significant place in 
the factors which enable Antiochus I to surmount the diffi- 
culties which confront him on his father's murder.^ Military 
service was one of the chief ways by which men could rise to 
power and greatness.® 

The nucleus of the army was the phalanx, recruited fix)m 
the " Macedonians " of Syria. It was a standing body. All the 
troops of this kind are spoken of together as " the phalanx." ^ 
The name of " foot-companions " (Tre^eratpot), which had been 

^ Arr. Anab. iv. 13, 1 f. ; Curtdus, viii. 6, 6 ; Suidas, 8.v, /Scur/Xetoc mudes. 

« Polyb. V. 82, 18. 

' Ibid. zzxi. 8, 17. For the patriXiKol raidct in the Antigonid kingdom see 
Liv. xlv. 6, 7. 

^ The chief works dealing with the armies and warfare of the Greek world 
are Kbchly and Bttstow, Otseh, d. griechiach. Kriegaivesetis (1852) ; H. Droysen, 
Heerwesen u, Kriegfiihmng d. Oriechen (1889) ; A. Bauer, "Die Eriegsalterthiimer'* 
in I wan von Miiller's ffandbueh d, klcus, Alt, (1893) ; H. Liers, Dob Krieg9we9en, 
d, AUen (1896) ; H. Delbnick, Oesch, d, Kriegskunst, vol. i. (1900). We are, 
of coarse, expecting the volume of Mr. Oman's Art of War, which will deal 
with this period. 

* Xafifbp 0^ fi6ww Todt 0^01/9 Kal riit dvvdfi€is elt rb biaytawhaffSai rrepL rta^ 
Tpayfidnap a^rou TpoSj&fiMs dXXd koI rd bcufUinoF eCvow Kal irivtpyov, Michel, 
No. 625, 1. 9 ; cf. 1. 16. 

« 1 Mace. 10, 87. 

7 ol djrorax6hrr€t dxb rift ipdXayyot, Michel, No. 19, 1. 103. rb d4$io9 xipat is 
spoken of as a standing division of the army, 1 Mace. 9, 1. 


in use in the army of Philip, the father of Alexander, was still 
current to describe the Byro-Macedonian pikemen.^ 

The phalanx was armed with the huge pike or mrissa, 
twenty-one feet long, and the men of the phalanx were known 
indifferently as phaiangUai or sarissophoroi? They also wore 
swords, and were protected by a helmet, greaves, and a shield.' 
The last must have been held by an arm-ring, since both 
hands were required for grasping the sarissa.^ When drawn 
up for battle the phalanx stood in a solid mass of sixteen 
ranks (Xv^d). The first five ranks stood with their sarissas at 
" the charge," making the front a bristling hedge of steeL* 

At Baphia the numbers of the phalanx were 20,000 ; at 
Magnesia only 16,000. If this figure is right, the diminution 
may be accounted for partly by the enormous loss suffered the 
year before in Greece, partly by the heavier drain on the 
royal forces for garrison purposes since the extension of the 
Empire. In the pomp of Daphne the phalanx again reaches 

A lighter description of infantry than the phalanx were 
those who carried the round Macedonian shield, smaller than the 
old Greek shield, and decorated in a peculiar way with metal 
crescents.^ This light infantry, the hypaspistai, played a 
principal part in the campaigns of Alexander. Their corps 
d'dite was the celebrated Silver Shields, who ended by betray- 
ing Eumenes. The term hypaspistai is seldom found in our 
accounts of the Seleucid armies.^ But we hear of a corps 
which had shields covered with bronze or silver ; ® and these, 
it may well be, are hypaspistai under another name.^ 

1 Plutarch, TUus, 17. 

2 Liv. xxxvii. 40, 1 ; xxxvi. 18, 2. * Polyaen. iv. 2, 10. 

* Delbriick (p. 363) thinks that only the front rank or front ranks had the 

^ Polyb. xviii. 29. The question of the length of the sarissa has much exer- 
cised scholars, see H. Droysen, p. 159 ; Bauer, p. 477 ; Delbnick, p. 369. 

^ Represented on the coins of some of the Macedonian kings. 

^ rbv ijy€fi6pa tQ>v tnraairiffrwp (at the siege of Sardis by Antiochus III), 
Polyb. vii. 16, 2 ; fierdi rijs iraipiKijt lirwov Kcd ruv {/T€unri(rrQv (at the Panion), 
xvi. 18, 7. * Polyb. v. 79, 4 ; xxxi. 3, 5 ; Liv. xxxvii 40, 7. 

^ Bauer, p. 446, contends that both the Silver Shields of Eumenes and these 
Silver Shields were phalangite8, but this seems to me very improbable. If the 
phalangites carried shields at all, they were insignificant ones (see Delbriick, 
loc eii,). 


They were the Guards of the Macedonian army, who 
specially attended upon the King's person,^ and stood to the 
infantry as the Companions did to the cavalry* — the corps 
in which it was proudest to serve. At Eaphia, although they 
were armed in the Macedonian manner, they were not appar- 
ently Macedonian in blood, but picked men drawn from all 
provinces of the Empire — an indication that here again the 
policy of Alexander to bring young Orientals under the 
Macedonian drill-sergeant and close to his own person was not 

A still lighter infantry were those who carried, not the Mace- 
donian shield, but the unmetalled pelte (originally a Thracian 
weapon), which had come into common use in Greece in the 
fourth century.^ It was as peltasts that the Greek mercenaries 
in the armies of the Eastern kings served, and it was to supply 
this arm that the recruiting officers of Ptolemy and Seleucid 
(^€v6\6yoi) were continually going up and down Greece. 
Aetolians, we gather, were the branch of the Greek race who 
figured most largely in this line, till by the Peace of Apamea 
Antiochus was cut off from his source of supply and forbidden 
to recruit any more in the Soman sphere. Certain of the 
races of Asia Minor also furnished peltasts — the semi- 
hellenized Lycians, the Pamphylians and Pisidians.^ 

Next in order of lightness to the peltasts came the 
Cretans, who formed a very important element — especially for 
mountain warfare. Crete seethed in chronic broils of one 
little state against another ; the Cretans were born to arms, to 
ambushes in steep places and stealthy clambering. When 
they were not fighting at home they went to fight abroad in 
the service of foreign kings. They were found in all the 
armies of the time, ranged indifferently on both sides in the 
great battles.^ 

With the Cretans are classed at Magnesia the Carians and 

^ Hogarth, Philip and Alexander ^ p. 55 ; cf. Polyb. xv. 25, 8. 

^ rb KdWitrrov aiarfifui . . . koX tQp T€^(o¥ koI tQv lirTitav, Polyb. xvi. 19, 7. 

^ Polyb. V. 79, 4. The numbers of the shield -bearers is 10,000 at Raphia, 
5000 ''and others" in the pomp at Daphne, Polyb. xxxi. 3, 5. 

^ Uauer, p. 856. ' Liy. xxxvii. 40. 

* The Cretans are distinguished from the other Greek mercenaries, the 
peltasts, Polyb. v. 53, 3 ; 65, 3 f. 


Cilicians.^ The Cilicians are described, both at Baphia and in 
the Daphne procession, as ** armed in the manner of men girt for 
running " {eh tov t&v ev^covtov rpoirov KaBfoifKia^voC) — that 
is, everything was sacrificed to rapidity of movement on broken 
ground. The condition of things in Gilicia was very much 
the same as in Crete ; both peoples made the strength of the 
great pirate power in the last century before Christ 

Some of the tribes of the Balkan peninsula, Thracians and 
Illyrians, also took service in the same capacity as the Cretans.^ 
In the Daphne procession there are 3000 Thracians. 

The missile-shooters, those whose weapons were of long 
range — archers, slingers, javelineers — were drawn from non- 
Hellenic races in various parts of the world. We hear of 
Thracian slingers (Agrianes),' of Mysian bowmen,* Lydian 
javelineers, Elymaean, Median and Persian bowmen,^ slingers 
from the hills of the Kurds (Kyrtioi, Kardakes).^ 

But none of the peoples of Asia were more dreaded as 
enemies or valued as allies than the Gauls. Their large limbs, 
wild hair, enormous shields (Ovpeoi) ^ and swords, the chanting, 
howling, and dancing with which they moved to battle, the 
deafening rattle of their shields, all contributed to strike 
terror.^ Perhaps from the time when the house of Seleucus 
was excluded from Asia Minor it became harder and harder 
to get Gaulish mercenaries. We hear of none in the later 
wars whose theatre was Syria. But Antiochus IV was still 
able to show 5000 in the Daphne procession. 

' Liv. xxxvii. 40 ; App. Syr, 82. 

' At Raphia there were 1000 Thracians ; at Magnesia a body of 3000 light- 
armed, of whom part were Cretans and part Trallians ; another body of 1500 
Trallians is mentioned separately. ' Polyb. v. 79, 6. 

* 2500 Mysians at Magnesia (Liv. zzzrii. 40, 8), 5000 in the Daphne pro- 
cession (Polyb. xxxi. 3, 4). Apollonios, the commander of the Mysians, is 
mentioned in 2 Mace. 5, 24. He is, no doubt, a Greek or Macedonian of Syria, 
so that the Mysian guard would be under the command of a royal officer. 
Demetrius is represented as offering the Jews, as a special privilege, to allow 
them to serve under Jewish officers, 1 Mace. 10, 87. 

' At Raphia and Magnesia the bow appears as the national Iranian weapon. 

^ The tribes of Zagrus (Koo-craiot, Ko/>/3^rat, Kdpxot) were held dta^peip irpb% 
rdf ToXe/ujcdf xP^^at, Polyb. v. 44. Molon put his chief trust in his Kurdish 
slingers, ibid. 52, 5. 

^ H. Droysen, p. 159, note 8, conjectures that the ^v/>ca06pot of Polyb. z. 29, 
6, were Gauls. " Liv. zzzviii. 17, 8 f . 


The cavalry, by the Macedonian tradition, took a higher 
rank than the infantry.^ The name of Companions, which 
belonged to the old Macedonian nobility who followed the 
King on horse, was still borne by part of the Seleucid cavalry,* 
but the relation of the different bodies is hard to make out 
The eraipot and the Boyal Squadron (ficurOuKtf tXff, regia ala) 
are expressly distinguished from the agema\^ and yet the 
same description is given of both, that they were the corps 
(TdUe of the cavalry.* The Boyal Squadron was the corps 
which surrounded the King in battle ; * it was probably the 
first squadron of the Companions.^ The agenia, according to 
Livy7 was composed of the chivalry of Irdn. The IrlUiians 
were, no doubt, horsemen bom ; but still one suspects some 
confusion, as we are told that the Thessalians of Larissa in the 
Orontes valley served in the " first offema," ^ 

Another division of the cavalry was, if not drawn from 
Ir4n, at any rate formed on an Iranian model ® — the *' mailed 
horse " (^ KaTcuf>patcTo^ tTTTro?). Both horse and man were 
covered with armour. There were 3000 kataphraktoi at 
Magnesia,^^ and 1500 appear in the Daphne procession.^^ But 
this arm was not so important in the Seleucid armies as in 
the Parthian. 

The cavalry hitherto mentioned were, no doubt, armed 
with lances. The cavalry lance called the xystos is spoken of, 
but whether it was a sort of lance peculiar to certain corps, 
or whether whenever a cavalryman had a lance it was a xystoB^ 
I do not know.^^ But there were other mounted troops whose 

^ A royal letter begins ^offiKtin *AvTloxoi (rrpanryocs, Imrdpxcutf xefciyr r/y€/i6a'i, 
ffTparuirraii Kcd roTt dXXois x'^P^^t J.ff.S, xvL (1896), p. 231. 
« Polyb. V. 63, 4 ; xtL 18, 7 ; xxxi. 3, 7. 
' Liv zzxvii. 40 ; App. Syr. 32 ; Polyb. xxxL 3. 

• The iraipiK^ tmroi is called rb KdXKurrop <r^arrjfM tup iTxiuv, Polyb. xvi. 19, 
7 ; the agema is described as rb xaKoitfuvov AyrjfMt Kpdrurrop elyai doKow (n&imifta 
rQp imr^w, ibid. xxxi. 3, 8. » Polyb. v. 84, 1 ; of. x. 49, 7. 

• Cf. Liv. xxxvii. 40, 11, and App. Syr. 32. ' xxxvii. 40, 6. 

** Tois dirb ^\€vkov tov Nt/cdro/90f /9curtXeO<r( Yryoi'^ras avfifidxoit xard rb xpCjTW 
AynfUL rip iirwiK^i dwd/ieun, Diod. xxxiii. i\ This looks as if there were more 
than one agema. 

• Xen. Cyrop. vi. 4, 1 ; viL 1, 2. " Liv. xxzviL 40, 11. 
" Polyb. xxxi. 3, 9. 

" From the way in which Polybias (v. 53, 2) speaks of oi ^varo^bpoi IwweU, 
I should rather gather its use distinguished certain corps. 


weapons were of a difFerent sort. We hear of " Tarentines " — 
a kind of cavalry which had come into vogue since the 
Macedonian conquest; their peculiarity was that each man 
led a spare horse and was armed with javelins.^ There were 
also the Scythian horsemen from the steppes of the Caspian, 
the Daae, who fought with bows and arrows, like the cavalry 
employed by the Parthians which gave the Romans so much 
trouble, when — 

quick they wheel'd and, flying, behind them shot 
Sharp sleet of arrowy showers against the face 
Of their pursuers, and overcame by flight 

We hear of them in the armies of Antiochus III,^ but after 
this time the Parthian power must have prevented more 
Central- Asian horsemen reaching the Seleucid King. From the 
South Antiochus drew Arabs, who formed a camel corps at 
Magnesia, and were armed with bows and immense swords, 
six feet long.^ 

The elephants were a feature of the Seleucid armies, of 
which the kings made a great deal. For from the days of 
Seleucus Nicator they alone, of all the Western kings, could 
procure fresh supplies from India. The elephant became one 
of the Seleucid emblems upon the coins. To make up for 
their deficiency, the Ptolemies and Carthaginians caughr and 
trained African elephants, but they were held inferior to the 
Indian ones.* The elephant was tricked out for battle with 
frontlets and crests ; beside the Indian mahout who bestrode 
his neck, he carried upon his back a wooden tower with four 
fighting men.^ It would seem that before a battle the elephants 

* Bauer, p. 451. In the Seleacid army at the Panion (Polyb. xvi. 18, 7), 
and at Magnesia (Li v. xzxvii. 40, 13). 

2 Polyb. V. 79, 3 ; Liy. xxxvil. 40, 8 ; App. Syr. 32. 

^ At Raphia, Polyb. y. 79, 8, they are under a sheikh of their own, Zabdibel. 
At Magnesia, Liv. xxxvii 40, 12. 

* Polyb. v. 84, 4 f. ; Liv. xxxvii. 39,, 13. These statements are to some 
extent mistaken. The African elephant is not smaller than the Indian ; on the 
contrary, he is larger. But Delbriick suggests with great probability that the 
traditional method of training in India was superior to the experiments of the 
people of Ptolemy (p. 212). 

^ Liy. xxxvii. 40, 4. The thirty -ttoo fighting men of 1 Mace. 6, 37, is a 
ridiculous exaggeration. 



were shown an imitation of blood made from the red juice of 
fruit/ either to excite them or prevent their being alarmed by 
the real bloodshed.^ All the Indian elephants of the Seleucid 
kingdom were destroyed by Octavius in 162, but Demetrius II 
got possession of the African elephants of Ptolemy Philometor. 
These, we saw, Tryphon captured, and that is the last we hear 
of the elephants of the Seleucid army. 

Lastly, the Seleucids as late as Magnesia used the futile 
device of scythed chariots {hpeiravr^^opa ap/jLara), in which 
the Persian kings had put faith.^ But it may be questioned 
whether after the experience of that day they were used again. 

These statements as to the composition of the Seleucid 
army belong to the time of tlie dynasty's greatness. As its 
dominion contracted it could no longer draw on such distant 
fields. The army probably became more exclusively Syrian, 
although the Taurus still furnished wild fighting men; and 
we have seen tlie Cretan mercenaries of Demetrius II take 
possession of the kingdom. But that the mass of the army of 
Antiochus Sidetes was drawn from Syria we are distinctly 
told ; there was hardly a household unaffected by its loss. 

The armies of the Greek kings of the East were dis- 
tinguished both from the older Greek armies and the Eoman 
by their external magnificence. The commanders and the 
Macedonian cavalry wore, like the King, the national dress — 
kaiisia, cMamys and high-boots — which was, in fact, a sort of 
military uniform. " Nothing anywhere but high-boots, nothing 
but men with the chlamys ! " exclaim the Syracusan ladies who 
go to see a procession of troops in Alexandria.* The hvusia 
of the officers was crimson.^ The cloaks were in many cases 
gorgeously embroidered.* ^ 

We remember that the foot -guards had shields covered 
with silver or burnished bronze. Even their high-boots, we 

* af/Lia (rra^uX^ koI fidpufv, 1 Mace. 6, 34. 

^ Armandi, HUtoire mUUaire des iUphaiUs^ p. 259. A terra-cotta figure of an 
elephaut trampling on a Gaul has been found {Btill. eorr, hell. iz. p. 485) ; it 
relates perhaps to the victory of Antiochus I over the Gauls, and may not 
improbably reproduce some actual statue. 

' In the army of Seleucus I, Diod. xx. 113, 4 ; PJutarch, Deni, 48. In the 
army of Molon, Polyb. v. 58, 10. At Magnesia, Liv. xzxvii. 41. 

* Theoc. Id. xv. 6. « Plutarch, Eura, 8. « Polyb. xxxi. 3, 10. 


are assured — it is hardly credible — had nails of gold.^ The 
bits of the principal cavalry corps were of gold.* 

A Seleucid army set out with an immense following of 
non-combatants — cooks and merchants. They were nearly 
four times as many as the combatants in the expedition of 
Antiochus Sidetes to Ir&n.^ But though this seems to have 
provoked the censure of the Greek historian whom Justin 
echoes, the proportion is not really very extravagant for 
Oriental warfare. The English at one time followed the 
fashion in India.*^ 

In the order of battle certain stereotyped rules can be 
observed. The phalanx made the centre; light infantry, 
especially those who fought with missiles, and cavalry com- 
posed the wings. The battles opened with skirmishes between 
the wings ; these prepared the way for the decisive shock of 
the heavy-armed infantry. 

We have many descriptions of the extraordinary eflfect of 
these royal armies as they stood or moved forward in line of 
battle. In external show the Roman armies made but a poor 
figure before them. They were a blaze of gorgeous uniforms, 
of silver and gold, and moved with the precision of men who 
had spent their lives on the parade ground. The '' phalanx 
looked like a solid wall ; the elephants like the towers of it." ® 
" When the sim shone upon the shields of gold and brass, the 
mountains glistened therewith and shined like lamps of fire. 
. . . They marched on safely and in order. Wherefore all 
that heard the noise of their multitude and the marching of 
the company, and the rattling of the harness were moved." ^ 
" They went a little forward, and suddenly, as they surmounted 

^ Just, xxxyiii. 10, 1 ; Valer. Max. ix. 1, txt, 4. 

" Polyb. xxxi. 3. » Just, loc cU. ; Diod. xxxiv. 17. 

^ In connexion with Justin's description of the setting forth of Antiochus it 
is interesting to compare Kaye's description of the start of the ill-fated Afghan 
expedition of 1837, in which the camp followers were four times as numerous as 
the combatants. *' So marched the army of the Indus, accompanied by thousands 
upon thousands of baggage-laden camels and other beasts of burden, spreading 
themselves for miles and miles over the country, and making up, with the 
multitudinous followers of the camp, one of those immense moving cities which 
are only to be seen when an Indian army takes the field and streams into an 
enemy's country " (Kaye, War in Afghanistan, book iii. chapter i.). 

» App. Syr. 32. « 1 Mace 6, 89 f. 


some height, they came in view of the enemy descending into 
the plain. The golden armour flashed in the sun from the 
extremities of the agema. They moved in perfect order. 
There were the towers of the elephants on high, and the 
crimson housings with which they were dressed for batUe. 
When the sight of it broke upon those who went in firont» 
they stood still/* ^ A description of the army of Perseus 
would fit that of Antiochus. " First marched the Thracians, 
the sight of whom, Aemilius says, made him blench more than 
any other thing — men of great stature, armed with white- 
shining shields and greaves, black tunics underneath, javelins 
resting on the right shoulder, uplifted for the throw. Next 
the Thracians the Greek mercenaries were stationed, with all 
sorts of gear, and Paeonians mingled amongst them. Third 
after these came the agema, the flower of the army, the choice 
of the Macedonians themselves for valour and person, ablase 
in gilt armour and new crimson cloaks. And as these took 
their post, the battalions (^akayye^) with bronze shields 
emerged from the trench and filled the plain with the flashing 
of steel and the shining of bronze, and all the hills round with 
a noise and the shouting of commands. So boldly and 
swiftly they came on, that those who first fell dead were only 
two stades from the Roman entrenchment"^ Or take the 
description of the Pontic army. " The other generals overbore 
Archelaus ; they drew up the army in line and filled the plain 
with horses, chariots and shields, great and small. The cries 
and shouting were more than the air could contain when so 
many nations got into their ranks together. The bravery and 
splendour of their sumptuous equipment was not idle or with- 
out its moral effect ; the flashing of armour brilliantly chased 
with silver and gold, the wonderful colours of Median and 
Scythian vesture, mingled with the gleam of bronze and steel 
— as it all shifted and moved hither and thither, the effect 
was really dazzling and overpowering. The Eomans shrunk 
behind their palisade, and nothing that Sulla said could bring 
back their heart." ^ 

I do not propose to discuss the strategy or tactics of the 

^ Plutarch, Iktm, 14. « Ibid. Aemil. 18. 

3 Jbid, Sulla, 16. 


Seleucid battles. That would belong more properly to a study 
of the warfare of that age, and it is hoped that we shall soon 
have from Professor Oman something to throw a new light 
upon this domain. I should merely like to point out the 
persistence with which the tradition was adhered to — the 
brave folly — that the Kings themselves should fight in the 
thick of the battle. It was, of course, fatal to any proper 
direction of the battle, for the King had no idea what was 
going on in the rest of the field. In both the Seleucid battles 
described to us with any detail this was the main cause of 
defeat Antiochus had ridden away in pursuit with the 
cavalry of the right wing when the critical moment came. 
And yet how characteristic it was of Seleucid rule as a whole ! 

We have tried to get some idea in outline of the constitu- 
tion and fashion of the Seleucid realm. To do so is interesting, 
not so much as calling up the picture of things long passed 
away, but as studying a phase in the tradition which has come 
down even to us. For when Rome became an Empire with a 
monarchic court and system, it followed to a large extent, both 
in its inner principles and its external forms, the Greek king- 
doms which it superseded. A real continuity of tradition bound 
the court and government of the Caesars to the court and 
government of Seleucid and I^tolemy, and the tradition sanctioned 
by the authority and majesty of the Roman name continued as 
a sort of ideal in the Middle Ages, shaping institutions which 
in their turn have gone to making the modem world. If by 
our custom classical literature is the main part of a liberal 
education, not so much for its inherent excellence as because 
it is the origin of our own culture, we may with equal reason 
trace the far-off ancestry of our systems of government in those 
kingdoms where the Greek first took in hand to rule in the 
seats of ancient monarchy. 

'I i 

■ -I 




Appendix A (p. 16) 

Coins of this Xerxes have been found with the Greek legend BacriXcfos 
Uep^ovy and showing a bearded head with the Armenian tiara (Babelon, 
Rots de Syrie, pp. cxcv. 212). According to Marquart {Philologus^ liv. p. 
505) the Greek Xerxes represents in this case, not the Persian Kshayarsha, 
as it ordinarily does, but the Armenian Shaiiarsh. The theory which 
makes the Antiochus in question Antiochus Epiphanes may be dismissed. 
It is astonishing that Babelon should find any difficulty in there being 
three princesses with the same name Antiochis. As if there were any- 
thing more characteristic of these royal families than the recurrence of 
the same names ! 

Appendix B (p. 42) 

A fragment quoted by Athenaeus as from the Europatca of Agathar- 
chides of Cnidus (527 f. ; F,H.G. iil p. 194) is thought by Meyer {Gesch, 
des PontoSy p. 53, note) and Niese (iL p. 640, note 6) to refer to this 
moment. The fragment runs — 'ApvKavSci?, </>r;<rt, AvKias, ofjuopoi 6vr€s 
Atfivp€V(rij 8ta Trfv xrcpt rbv ^iov djcroiriav koL TroA-vrcXctai/ KardxpeoL 
y€v6fi€VOi. KOI Sia t^v apyiav Ka\ <f>i,X.rjBoviav d8vvarovvr€s diroSovvai to. 
8av€6a, vpoar€K\ivav rats MiOpiSdrov iXiruriv^ ddX-ov l^ctv vofAia'avr€S 
\p€^v diroKoirds. The Mithridates referred to is suppos^ to be the son 
of Antiochus, who had been sent at the head of the land-forces to Sardia 
It seems to me more likely that there is some mistake in the attribution 
of the passage to Agatharchides, and that it refers to the time when Asia 
Minor was convulsed by the conquests of the great Mithridates in 88 ac 
The expression rats MtOpiBdrov ikiruriv does not appear to fit negotiations 
in which a Mithridates acts as a mere subordinate (especially since there 
is nothing to show any activity of this Mithridates at all in Lycia, and 
Antiochus was present in person), but rather points to the great expecta- 
tions raised by the appearance of Mithridates Eupator in 88 as the saviour 
of Greek society. 




Appendix C (p. 48) 

Strabo xiii. 624 ; Michel, Nos. 291, 550. Niese (ii p. 642) propounds 
the theory that a treaty by which Antiochus had recognized the rights of 
Attalus over the Ionian and Hellespontine cities lapsed with his death, 
and that the recovery of them by Antiochus had to do with this circum- 
stance. As has been })ointed out, the whole question of what the arrange- 
ment between Antiochus and Attalus after the Ml of Achaeus was is 
quite obscure. The comparison of Polyb. v. 77, 1, with iv. 48 would 
rather suggest that Achaeus won back from Attalus much that the latter 
seized during Achaeus' absence in Pisidia, so that we do not know whether, 
on the advent of Antiochus, Attalus stood possessed of anything outside 
his Trarptpa ctp^^* 



Appendix D (p. 57) 

Liv. XXXV. 13, 4. This Cleopatra was distinguished as the Syrian 
(App. Syr. 5). " And he (Antiochus) shall set his face to come with the 
strength of his whole kingdom, but (first) he shall make an equitable 
pact with him (Ptolemy), and he shall give him the daughter of women, 
to work ruin," Daniel 11, 17. What the terms of this equitable 
pact were was already a matter of controversy fifteen years after. The 
court of Alexandria contended that they included a retrocession of Ccnle- 
Syria to Egypt as Cleopatra's dowry ; this the Seleucid court denied 
(Polyb. xxviiL 20, 9). The retrocession certainly did not take place. 
Most modem historians have accepted the explanation of Joeephus 
(Arch, xii § 155) that a part of the taxes levied on Ccde-Syria were granted 
to Egypt The difficulty in accepting this explanation lies in the fact 
that Polybius, in passages dealing with the controversy, shows no know- 
ledge of such an arrangement^ whilst the statement of Josephus is accounted 
for by his having to find some way out of the contradiction in which 
his chronological confusion has involved him. He places the story of 
Joseph, who collects taxes for the Egyptian government, a generation too 
late. See Wellhausen, Isra. u, jiid, Gesch. (cd. 2), p. 232, note. 

Appendix E (p. 163) 

I incline to doubt, with WiUrich {Judaica, p. 58) and Biichler (Tobiaden 
u. Oniaden^ p. 143 f.), the genuineness of the letters of Antiochus III, 
given by Joseph. Arch. xii. § 138 f., not so much because of any im- 
possibility in them (which I do not think Willrich or Biichler succeeds 
in making out), but because of the readiness with which such documents 
were forged in post-Maccabaean times (see Willrich, Juden u. Griechen^ 
Judatca^ pa^m). If, however, they are not genuine, they are forged by 
some one familiar with the history of the time and the style of such 
rescripts. He knew of Zeuxis, the governor of Lydia (perhaps from 


Polybius), and Ptolemy, the son of Tliraseas, the governor of Coele-Syria. 
(In objecting that Ptolemy was made governor in 218, Jvden u, Grtechen, 
p. 40, Willrich is thinking of the date in which he was in the Egyptian 
service, Polyb. v. 65, 3. That he deserted to the Seleucid in 218 with 
Ceraeas and Hippolochns, Polyb. v. 70, 10, is a conjecture only. When 
he was made governor of Cosle-Syria there is absolutely nothing to show.) 
He is also right in exhibiting the Jews as friendly to Antiochus. The 
detail of the Egyptian garrison, not mentioned in our fragments of 
Polybius, may therefore be taken as true. That Antiochus should in 
such circumstances have shown some fiGivourB to the Jews and made 
presents to the Temple is in itself extremely likely. 

Appendix F (p. 163) 

The inscription is Michel, No. 1229. nroXc/Miibs Opaurm \ 
OTparayhs koi dp\L€p€vs ^vpias Koikas koI ^oiviKas \ *£p/^ 'ca^ 
^HpaKke? KOI 11 PaxTiXtl fjL€ydX.ip 'Amoxy. There are also traces of 
smaller administrative divisions, that, for instance, of the country this 
side of Jordan into Co3le-Syria ( = Galilee?), Phcenicia, Samaria and 
Judaea (Joseph. Arck xiL ^ 154, 175 ; c£ Strabo xvi. 750). Idumaea is 
mentioned as a separate eparchia in 311, and for eparchia (equivalent to 
hyparchia, the subdivision of a satrapy) the term satrapy is sometimes 
loosely substituted (Diod. xix. 95, 2 ; c£ ibid. 98). We hear in the 
Maccabees of a atrategos of Idumaea (2 Mace. 1 2, 32). Whether meridarches 
(1 Mace. 10, 65) ib equivalent to eparchos is a question. Then we have 
the Egyptian term nome used for districts of Sapiaria — perhaps a legacy 
of the Ptolemaic rule (1 Mace. 11, 34 = Joseph. Arch, xiii § 127). And 
this word is in Josephus exchangeable with ro7rap\La. (Arch xiii § 125). 
Judaea (under the Romans, but in accordance, no doubt, with an old 
system) is divided in 10 or 11 rofTrapyiai. (Joseph. Bel, iii § 54 ; Plin. v. 
§ 70), to which again the term Kkrjpovxtai is applied. Gorgias is 
OTpaTrjyos rtav tottcjv (2 Mace. 10, 14). It would obviously be hopeless 
to attempt to reconstruct the official organization from literary authorities ; 
they were not concerned to burden their readers with the precise use of 
each term, or give them clearer notions than an ordinary Englishman 
has of the Lieutenant-Governors, Magistrates, Collectors, Deputy Com- 
nussioners, etc., of the Anglo-Indian system). 

Appendix G (p. 171) 

According to I Mace, (followed by Schiirer) it was his first campaign 
of 170-169; according to 2 Maca (followed by Niese) his ** second 
expedition to Egypt" (xrcpt Se rhv Kaip6v rovrov ttjv S€VT€pav d<f>oSov 6 
*AvTto;(os €ts AiyvTrrov coTctXaro, 5, 1). This is generally taken to 
mean the expedition of 168, and, if so, there is, of course, an irreconcilable 
contradiction between the two books of the Maccabeea But I submit 


that the expression of 2 Mace may mean " second " in reference to the 
apparently abortive expedition of a few years before mentioned in 
ch. 4, 21. At that time Antiochus heard that Egypt was preparing 
war and came south with a force. (The force is proved by the word 
KaTcoTpaTOTTtScixrcv.) Antiochus therefore might perhaps be described as 
setting out in 170-169 for his second a<^8o9 cts Aiy virrov; it was the 
second time that Ccele-Syria had experienced the passage of an army led 
by the King against Egypt, although the first time that he actoaUy 
attacked Egypt 

Appendix H (p. 176) 

The accounts of the great victories won by the Jewish bands in these 
early days over superior numbers of the King's troops one might be 
inclined to attribute to the self-glorification of the Jews. But indeed 
men filled with religious enthusiasm are likely to perform prodigies 
against merely professional soldiers. The story of the rise of Mahdism 
echoes strangely the Maccabacan story. On the first signs of revolt, the 
Qovemor-general of the Sudan sends two companies to capture the Mahdi. 
The two captains quarrel, and the force is set upon by the bands of the 
Mahdi and killed with nothing but simple sticks (July 1881). A few 
months later the Mudir of Fashoda advances against the Dervishes. He 
is drawn into a forest and his whole force massacred, before they have 
time to alight from their camels. Then the Egyptian government 
(March 1882) sends a serious expedition from Khartum to co-operate 
with another from El Obeid. They effect a junction, but their camp is 
suddenly sul-prised in the early morning by the Mahdists, and only a few 
escape. And so on, till Gordon meets the fate of Nicanor (Ohrwalder, 
Ten Yearf^ Captivity in the Mahdi^s Gamp), Nor was it only against the 
Egyptian soldiery that the Mahdists won their successes. Englishmen 
will not need to be reminded that, in spite of the disparity of arms, they 
were able to " break the British square," 

Appendix I (p. 177) 

Personally I think the case for this document a very strong one. 
One can imagine no j)068ible reason for forging it If a Jew had foi^ged 
it he would have given some indication that Antiochus repented of his 
persecution — it is in fact adduced by Jason of Gyrene to prove this — 
but so far from doing so, Antiochus refers with satisfaction to his conduct 
in the past as having been beneficent 

Modern writers are apt to lose sight of something which the ancient 
Jewish writers did all they could to cover with oblivion — this Hellenizing 
Jewish community. It is one of the most interesting facts which Niese's 
Kritik has brought out that in representing Jerusalem as desolate and the 
Temple courts overgrown with wild shrubs in 165, the writer of 1 Mace, 
is intentionally making a vacuimi where really there was a Hellenistic 


populatioiL The two accounts of what happened to the Temple, (1) that 
it was given over to heathen worship, (2) that it was forsaken, are in feet 

Appendix J (p. 180) 

The order of events in this part of Maccabaean history is notoriously 
doubtful A great deal, of course, turns upon whether the documents 
given in 2 Mace. 11 are genuine. 1 follow Niese in supposing that they 
are. But if so, certain things follow. (1) When they were written, in 
165-164, at the end of the first invasion of Judaea by Lysias, the death of 
Antiochus Epiphanes was already known in Syria, and 1 lA&cc. is there- 
fore wrong in putting the death of Antiochus in 164-163, after Lysias had 
returned to Antioch. (2) But it also follows that at the time when they 
were written the insurgent Jews had not yet recovered possession of Jerusalem 
and the Temple. The rescript of Antiochus Eupator to Lysias orders that 
the Temple shall be restored to them, and even if this might mean that 
their de facto possession of it shall be acknowledged, the next rescript, 
that to the Jewish gerusia^ makes it plain that the nationalists had not 
yet re-entered the city. It grants them permission to do so, promising 
an amnesty to those who do so before the 30th of Xanthicua. And here 
the First Book of Maccabees comes in corroboratively, placing the recovery 
of Jerusalem and cleansing of the Temple after the expedition of Lysias. 
It may well be that it is also right in representing Lysias as setting out 
before the death of Antiochus Epiphanes. The most serious difficulty is 
that as to the date of the cleansing of the Temple, which is given in 
1 Mace. 4, 52, as the 25th of Chislev, year 148, i.e. in December 165 B.C. 
Can the documents of 2 Mace. 1 1 have been written in one of the pre- 
ceding months of the year 148, which only began by the government 
reckoning in the autumn ? Three of the documents are dated exactly ; 
the letter of Lysias to the Jews is dated Dioskorinthios 24, but the month 
signified is absolutely uncertain ; the letter of the Romans, Xanthicus 15, 
but here Niese shows a corruption. Neither of these therefore helps us. 
The rescript of Antiochus V to the Jews remains, and this is dated 
Xanthicus 15. But here also there is surely some mistake, for the rescript 
gives the 30th of Xanthicus as the date before which the Jews must 
return in order to profit by it — a date ostensibly fifteen days only after 
it was given under the King's hand at Antioch ! But in any case, if the 
nationalists returned to Jerusalem in consequence of the negotiations with 
Lysias, and Lysias began these negotiations after the death of Antiochus 
was known, and his death took place at the earliest in the autumn of 
165, the cleansing of the Temple can hardly have come about as soon as 
December 165. We must therefore put it a year later, in December 164. 
The month and day (Cliislev 26) are fixed by the annual celebration, but 
the celebration would not give the same guarantee for the correctness of 
the traditional year. 


Appendix K (p. 199) 

Bacchides is described as #cv/oievaii/ €v r^ irkpav rov worafiov (1 Mace 
7, 8). If this means that his province was east of the EuphrateB, 
%.e, Mesopotamia, as Joeephus understands the expression (ArcK, xiL 
§ 393), Judaea lay outside of it Wellhausen points out that in 
the official language of the old Persian Empire "the country beyond 
the river " was the ordinary designation of Syria west of the Euphrates 
{i.e, from the standpoint of Babylon). That the old phrase in this sense 
continued to be used by a writer in Hebrew or Aramaic of the Maocabaean 
age is, of course, possible, but hardly probable, seeing that it was in- 
appropriate both from the writer's point of view, and from that of the 
government whose seat had been west of the Euphrates for 150 yean. 
There are other appai-ent instances under the Seleucids of governors being 
employed outside their provinces on special business; we find Diodes, 
the governor of the Parapotamia, commanding a division of the army of 
Antiochus III in Phoenicia (Polyb. v. 69, 5), and Diogenes, the satrap of 
Media (?), commanding under the same Antiochus in Hyrcania (Polybi x. 
29, 5 ; cf. V. 64, 12). 

Appendix L (p. 202) 

The question of the alliance of Judas with Rome is a controverted 
one. It resolves itself into two separate questions : (1) Did Judas have 
any friendly dealings with Rome ? and (2) Is the treaty, as given in 1 
Mace. 8, genuine? In regard to the first, Niese {Kritik, p. 88) and 
Schiirer L (1901), p. 220, note 32, maintain against Willrich and 
Wellhausen the view that Judas did enter into negotiations with Rome 
and secure the friendship of the Republic (Niese doubts an alliance). In 
regard to the second, the genuineness of the document (as a re- translation 
into Greek from a Hebrew translation of the original) is defended by 
Schiirer (he ctt) ; it is regarded by Williich (Judaica, p. 71 f.) as a 
genuine document, but relating not to Judas Maccabacus, but to Judas 
Aiistobulus (Aristobiiliis I) ; it is regarded by Niese as a forgery of the 
author of 1 Mace (Kritik, p. 89). 

Appendix M (p. 207) 

Our Greek sources all speak of Alexander as an impostor, and this 
came to be the general opinion. Polybius evidently pronounced the 
business a fraud, and he was the main source from which later historians 
drew. As the line of Alexander came to a speedy end, the opinion 
maintained under the later Seleucids, descendants of Demetrius, was 
naturally adverse to Alexander. On the whole, it seems to me probable 
that Alexander woa an impostor, but unless we have reason to believe 


that later on some one concerned in the deception {e.g. Attains or Ptolemy 
Philometor) made an avowal, I do not see that we can speak positively. 
As to the age of the boy, since Eupator was bom in 174 or thereabouts, 
the real Alexander cannot have been bom before 173, and would there- 
fore be, at the oldest, fourteen in 159. 

Appendix N (p. 218) 

1 Mace. 10, 67 £ ; Joseph. Arch, xiii. § 86. Josephus paraphrases the 
i}A.^€V . . . €is n^v yrjv riav varepttiv avrov of 1 Mace, by #caT«rA€ixr€v 
CIS KlXikUlv, If this is right and Josephus ib supplementing 1 Mace 
from some other source, Demetrius was presumably taken to Cilicia that 
he might there threaten Alexander from the safety of the hills, as 
Alexander had threatened Demetrius I, and at the same time raise more 
mercenaries in Cilicia, where the condition of things was like that in 
Crete. On the other hand I cannot help suspecting that KIAIKIAN is 
here also a copyist's error for 2EAEYKEIAN, as it probably is in § 146. 
Josephus may then have put in the name simply as an inference from 
what he knew from 1 Mace that Demetrius came to his father's kingdom 
but did not immediately get Antioch ; Seleucia was the natural place to 
land. If so, the later relations of Seleucia and the legitimate house bear 
out the inference. 

Appendix O (p. 220) 

1 Mace. 11, 8 f. ; Joseph. Arch. xiiL § 106 f. ; Diod. xxxiL 9^; Liv. 
Epit. Hi. Josephus is here following another source beside 1 Mace. 
He is the only authority who mentions Ammonius in this matter and 
Ptolemais as the scene of the alleged plot This source is the same as 
that followed by Diodorus ; cf. XlroA-cfuiios 6 ^iXofi-qrfop €7r4#cA.i}0eis . . . 
CIS ^vpCav iJkc, crvfifuixria'iDV 'AA.c^ai/8/a^ yafi^pb^ yap i}i/ avrov. Joseph. 
loc, ciLj and on XlroXc/xaibs o ^tA.o/x^Tw/3 ^k€V €is Svpiav, €rvp,p^\'q(ro>v 
*AX.€^dv8p<^ Sta olMiorqra. Diod. loc, cit v€pl o'vp.pjaL\ias koI ff>Lkias 
(rvvTiStp^vos rrjv t€ Ovyarkpa Sclkrctv avry v7rur\vovpAvo% yvvatKOy 
Joseph., and T17V p^v Svyarkpa 'KX.€OiraTpav dirqyayc vpb's ^rjprjrpiov 
Kot crwOtpivos <l>ikiav kv€yv7f(r€V avry ravnjVf Diod. 

Appendix P (p. 223) 

The point of his being given the surname of Nicator, or the Qod 
Nicator, is fairly obvious. After the usurpation of the impostor, the 
true line signalizes its return by the surname which belonged to the 
Founder of the House, The point of Philadelphus is much harder to 
see. It sometimes points to the marriage of brother and sister, but 
Demetrius' wife was Cleopatra of Egypt The younger brother of 


Demetrius, Antiochus, was still in Asia Minor, and does not appear npon 
the scene till later. I can only suggest that the brother pointed at ii 
Antigonufl, who had been murdered under Alexander, and that the 
name was intended to give the reprisals upon the party of Alexander 
the colour of a pious duty. If Antigonus was the eldest son and heir- 
apparent, tlie second son, whom his untimely fate raised to the throne, 
might with decency commemorate the dead brother in his sumameL 

Appendix Q (p. 321) 

The title AvroKpdroip is not found on the coins of any other Greek or 
Macedonian king. (Later on it is borne by some of the Arsacids after 
77 RC, Wroth. Num, Chron. 1900, p. 193.) Its meaning is somewhat 
problematical, as it is used in various connexions — often in the classical 
writers of ambassadors or generals given full dueretion. It cannot but 
have some reference here to the peculiar circumstances of Tryphon's 
elevation. Its distinctive use as a translation of the Latin " imperator " 
would hardly occur in Syria till later. But it is found in one connexion 
which seems to throw light on its use here. The Macedonian kings 
(Philip, Alexander, Antiochus III) who were elected as " captains-general " 
of the free states of Greece l>ore in that capacity the title of (rrpar-qy^ 
avroKpdrwp (Diod. xvi 89 ; Arr. Ariab. viL 9, 6 ; App. Syr, 12). Tryphon 
may have intended to assimilate his position to theirs, as having been 
elected by the free Greco-Macedonian states of Syria. 

Appendix R (p. 232) 

He would be older, if his younger brother Antiochus was bom in 
164, as Wilcken (Pauly-Wissovniy i, p. 2478) concludes from the statement 
of Eus. L p. 265 that Antiochus was thirty-five at his death in 129. 
But the statement is certainly mistaken, since we may be sure that 
Demetrius I did not take his official wife till after his accession in 162-161. 
I should bring into connexion with the assumption of the government by 
Demetrius II personally, on his attaining manhood, the words of Exis. L 
p. 265, 256, "regnabatque clx olompiadis anno primo," \€ipovTai rrfv 
dpxr]v €T7y y, 01. 160, 1, is 140-139 B.C. ; this date would exactly fit 
the hyjwthesis that Demetrius was born about 160. The unreflecting 
phraseology of our sources, which speak of the abominations of the early 
reign of l)emetrius as if they were the outcome of his own tyrannic 
nature, blind even modem writers to the fact that we are dealing with a 
mere l)oy, who politically can have done neither good nor evil 

Appendix S (p. 234) 

We hear of a war l)etwet»n the Parthians and Medes about this time, 
in which the Medes are spoken of as an independent people, Just xli. 6, 6. 


But it is possible that the Medes of Lesser Media (Atropatene) are in- 
tended. Gutschmid's proof of the independence of Media from Dionysius 
the Mede and his inference ** Das kann nur ein Sohn des Timarchus 
gewesen sein '' (Irdn, p. 52) seem singularly incondusiva That Dionysius 
was an independent ruler of Media is nowhere said ; on the contrary, he 
is called a general of Demetrius. The employment of a Mede (a Greek 
from one of the colonies in Media T) in Mesopotamia no more bears upon 
the relations between the Seleucid King and Media than the employment 
of the Milesian Heradides and Timarchus upon the relations of Antiochus 
Epiphanes with the city of Miletu& 

Appendix T (p. 251) 

There is something very suspicious about the strong Oriental cast of 
the head of Antiochus Gr3rpo8. In the case of a woman like Cleopatra 
the doubts expressed by Swift as to royal pedigrees cannot be dismissed 
as incredible. But it may be urged for Grypos being true-bom that the 
hook nose at any rate appears in his uncle Antiochus Sidetes and in a 
less pronounced degree in his grandfather Demetrius Soter. How it came 
into the family has never, so far as I know, been discovered. The wife 
of Antiochus III was a Pontic princess, but neither of his sons shows an 
aquiline nose. The wife of Seleucus IV (Laodice) Tnay have been an 
Oriental ; so may the wife of Demetrius Soter. 

Appendix U (p. 256) 

It will be seen that I refer the two documents given by Joseph. Arch. 
xiii. § 260 and xiv. § 247 f. to the conflicts between Cyzicenus and the 
Jews. The question has gathered about it a voluminous controversy ; 
the references will be found in Schiirer L p. 263. Schurer himself takes 
the view that the documents refer to the conquests of Antiochus Sidetes 
before his taking of Jerusalem. The objections to this view are (1) that 
it requires us to suppose that *' Antiochus the son of Antiochus " in the 
second document is a blunder for Antiochus the son of Demetrius, and 
(2) the war spoken of in the first document is over, ra Kara rov iroXcfutv 
€K€ivov XcyXarrjOiVTa, This last objection seems to me conclusive 
against Schiirer's view. On the other hand, neither of the objections 
against the view here adopted seems to me insurmountable. They are 
(1) that Josephus represents the encounters between Cyzicenus and the 
Jews as resulting in uniform defeat for Cyzicenua But Josephus was a 
Jewish historian ! (2) A Seleucid king of this age would not have been 
strong enough to make such conquests. But this is a petitio principii. 
It is true that the power of the Seleucid princes was politically tottering, 
but this does not prevent their having, as captains of mercenary troops, 
moments of military strength, when they might make a successful coup. 


Appendix V (p. 259) 

With regard to the coins assigned to Antiochus Cyzicenus, I may 
observe that Professor Oman has expressed to me a doubt whether they 
all belong to one king. They appear to him, especially those in his own 
collection, to show two distinct types of face. If this can be proved, we 
nhould have either to assign one of these portraits to Antiochus XIII 
Asiaticus, or suppose the existence of another King Antiochus, which is, 
of course, quite powsible, and would be borne out by the difficulty of 
reconciling the statements as to Antioclius Eusebes (p. 263, note 1) and 
Antiochus Asiaticus (p. 263, note 4). But on a numismatic question of 
tliis kind I feel unqualified to give any independent opinion. 

Appendix W (p. 259) 

If we combine the notices of our authorities, there is one Selene 
whose husbands are (1) Ptolemy Soter, Just xxxix. 3, 2 ; (2) Qrypos, 
" hostis prions mariti," ibid, 4, 4 ; (3) Cyzicenus, App. Syr. 69 ; (4) 
Antiochus X Eusebes, ibid. Now her son by this last husband, Antiochus 
XIII Asiaticus, is a boy in 76 (Cic Verr. Act II. iv. 27 f.). He may 
therefore have been born about 90. If Selene was fifteen, let us say, 
when she married Soter in 116, this would make her at least forty in 90 
RC. Under the circumstances, I suspect that there is a confusion in our 
authorities between two Ptolemaic princesses called Selene, though at 
what point we are to divide the single personality given us by our 
sources I do not know. 

Appendix X (p. 277) 

The fragments were published by Cronert in the Sitzung^. d. Berlin. 
Akad. (1900), p. 943. See also Usener in Rhein. Mus. N.F. Ivi (1901X 
p. 145 f. The most important passages for our purpose are the following, 
Cronert, p. 947, #cat avk^aiv h rrjv avX^v, c^wv fuG' kavrov ^iXoAdyttv 
ttA.'^^os (US TT/XKTWTry fiovov SiaXoovov 6 8€ €^^ rrjs (txoXtjs Tr€pi€\€(r6ai 
rj&q Kol vpOKonn]v ficyiarrjv iroieurdai . . . ; p. 963, rov *Ei7ri<f>dyov9 
rjWoTpi(j}fi(VOv irphs tijv aip€criv ^ikwvi&qs avrbv aiperurrriv tQv Xoytav 
€ir6ija-€Vf (rvvrdypxir eKarhv €iKO(n, ttcvtc €k8€8<i>kcu[s icai ? cvfjovs 
vTropvrjpxiTurpjov^ . . . ; p. 963, 6 j^aatXevs ^•qprfrpio^ kxapuraro 
^iX(i}vih€iy (<f> (^ a'vv8uirpi\//€L avrov koi (rvva'\o\aa'€i. dA.Aa koI cv 
Tourois KaXois koi ^1X00*0^9 Kal €vB6^(as dv€aTpd<fyq, ei9 fi^i^ yap 
iTvpfiovXiOv KoX irpetrP^iav koI to. roiavff dxrAcus avrhv ovk cSoikcv, . . . 
7ja'€ 8k. . . . 


Appendix Y (to Chapter xxxii). 

I purposely abstain from attempting to deal with the question of the 
Seleucid financial system. The details of such a system are of any 
human interest only when the system can be known with some com- 
pleteness, and its relation to the life of the people and to other systems 
made out — as, for instance, the papyri allow us to do to a large extent in 
the Ptolemaic kingdom. Our data for the Seleucid realm are fragmentary 
at the best, and utterly uncertain. The principal documents which 
bear on the subject are the letters of Demetrius I and Demetrius II in 
I Mace. 10, 25 f. and 11, 32 f., which show points of contact with the 
ptolemaic system (Wilcken, Griechische Ostraka^ voL L), but the genuine- 
ness of the letters is questionable (Willrich, Jiidatca, p. 55 £). The 
treatise called Oeconomica, and wrongly ascribed to Aristotle, is thought in 
iL 1, where the PaxrikiKrf oiKovofiia and the a-arpaTTiKrj olKovofiCa is 
distinguished, to reflect the Seleucid system, but here again the descrip- 
tion is slight and the interpretation doubtful, even if the reference to the 
Seleucid system were certain. Of course, further discoveries may throw 
such light on the subject that these data may acquire new valua But 
at present it seems to me waste of time to construct a theory which must 
}ye imperfect and highly conjectural 

Appendix Z 
(The Aramaic Nicknames) 

Three perhaps of the Seleucid kings bore nicknames of an Aramaic 
origin ; two certainly did, Alexander Balas and Alexander Zdbtnas ; the 
third is Demetrius II, who after his return from captivity was called, 
according to the Armenian Eusebius, Siripides. The latter name is 
currently explained, after Niebuhr's conjecture {Kleine Schrift, i. p. 298), 
as derived from an Aramaic word tb* (Hebrew rne^, meaning a chain. 

In explanation of these names I have received from my brother a 
letter, which I cannot do better than give in its own words. " It seems 
to me very likely that Balas is the Semitic Ba*ia (which might be either 
Aramaic or PhcQuician), but I do not see how such a name could be given 
as a nickname, and therefore I cannot help thinking that Schiirer is right 
in supposing that Alexander was so called originally. Ba'ld is an abbre- 
viation of some compound proper name, in which Ba'l meant the deity. 
Proper names formed with Sys are very common in Phconician, and also 
occur in Aramaic. Compound names are often shortened by substituting 
a termination, such as -(i, for the second word, just as in Greek we find 
*Ep/xas, *A7roAA.(u9, eta, for *Epfioy€VYjs<t *Airo\\6S(i>po^, or some such 
forms. I believe that these abbreviated forms were particularly common 
as the names of slaves^ and therefore a name like Balas might certainly 
be borne by a slave or freedman of Semitic extraction even at a place 



such as Smjrma." [Might not just this sen-ile association make its use 
as a nickname intelligible ? — R R R] 

^^Siripides I cannot explain, but it is very improbable that it has 
anything to do with the Hebrew nxf, as the p would then have no raiton 

^^Zabinas is Mrni, i.e. 'bought,'|a well-known Aramaic proper name 
which occurs in the Old Testament (Ezra 10, 43). Originally it must 
have meant * bought from the Deity/ by means of prayers, sacrifices, etc" 


Aba€f in Arabia, ii. 221 

'Abd-stiHUf L 80 

Abila, i. 317 ; ii. 37 

AborraSf river, L 221.* See Chabofxu 

Absalom^ Jewish envoy, ii. 180 

AbydoSf besieged by Lysimachos, i. 117 ; 
by Philip, ii. 38, 84 ; occupied by Antio- 
chus III, 44, 45, 48, 89, 90 ; besieged 
by the Romans, 95 ; evacuated by 
Antiochus, 106 

Acamanui, ii. 80-82 

AcesineSf river, L 294 

Achaeans, the, at war with Nabis, ii. 67 ; 
co-operate with Rome against Antiochus 
III, 73, 74 ; their contingent at Per- 
gamos, 101 ; at Magnesia, 109 ; embassy 
of Seleucus IV to A., 128; Achaean 
embassy to Alexandria, 138 ; Ptolemy 
VII asks the A. for troops, 143 

Achaemen^Sf house of; its rise to power, 
i. 4, 241 ; residences of the kings, 41, 
241, 258 ; their home in Persia, 42, 47 ; 
the diadem their symbol of royalty, i. 
57 ; ii. 274 ; their hoards, L 63 ; their 
supremacy threatened by provincial 
nobility, 89 ; their paradeisoi, 158 ^ ; 
they profess Zoroastrianism, 259 ; their 
palace in Ecbatana, i. 2641; ii. 18 ; their re- 
lations with Bactria, i. 275 ; the Arsacids 
claim affiliation to them, 286 ; their 
tradition continued by the Seleucids, i. 
808 ; ii. 269 f. See also Persian Empire 

Achaeus (1), father-in-law of Seleucus II, 

-i. 157,202,204,269; il 270 

— (2), grandson of preceding, assumes 
government on deaUi of Seleucus III, 
i. 300 ; given full powers in Asia Minor, 
301, 825 ; his loyalty suspected, 802 ; 
assumes diadem, 311 ; allied with Egypt, 
315 ; his rule in Asia Minor and his end, 
ii. 1-13, 295 

Achata, city in Aria, i. 269 

Achais, city in Media, i. 265 

AcUius Glabrio, Manius, ii. 80, 82-85 

Ada^ princess of Caria, i. 92 

Adana, ii. 151 

AdaraluK i. 263 
Adar-Gushasp, i. 263 

Adasa, battle of, ii. 202 

Adida, ii. 229, 230 

Adiyra, ii. 230 

Adramyttiumf i. 117 ; ii. 101 

Adtdi, i. 186 

Aegcte (in Aeolis), ii. 4 

Aeginium, ii. 79 

AeffiuMj ii 73 

Aeliusj Publius, ii. 59 

Aemilius PauUus, Lucius, IL 145 

Aemiliua Regillus, Lucius, ii. 98, 99 ; moves 

to Elaea, 100 ; divides the fleet, 101 ; 

goes to Teos, 104 ; defeats Polyxenidas, 

Aenus (1), on the Euphrates, i. 220 

— (2), in Thrace, u. 83, 100 

AeoUsj Aeolian, i. 104,* 105,' 203 ; Seleucus 
Philopator in Aeolis, ii. 94, 96, 97, 99, 101 
Aeachrion, general of Demetrius II, iL 233 
Aethiopian elephants, L 186 ; ii 289, 290 
Aetolia, Aetolians, coins of Antiochus I 
with Aetolian emblem, L 127 ' ; League 
mediates between Ptolemy and Antiochus 
III, 314 ; its place in grouping of powers, 
ii. 81, 36 ; includes Lysimachia, 49 ^ ; 
embittered towards Rome, 54, 56 ; action 
of Aetolians before Antiochus' invasion, 
66-68 ; receive Antiochus, 70, 71 ; co- 
operate with Antiochus in Greece, 78- 
85 ; maintain war after flight of Aiitio- 
chus, 86, 87 ; granted armistice, 100 
Aetolian mercenaries, iL 286 ; in Hyrcania, 
ii. 19. See Timarchua (1), Theodotus 
(2), Nicolaus, Dorymenes, Scopas (2), 
T}uxi8j DicaearchuSf Damocrittis 
AgcUhocles (1), son of Lysimachus, L 65-67, 
70, 71, 120, 130 

— (2), eparch of Persia (?), i. 286 » 

— (3), favourite of Ptolemy IV, ii. 32* 
Agathon of Pydna, i. 245 
AgesilauSf Spartan king, i. 8 
Ahuramazdaf I 259, 260 

Ajalouj valley of, ii. 178 
Alabanda, i. 166 ; ii. 43, 98. See Menyllua 
AlcaeuSf the poet, i. 8, 240 
Alcetcu, brother of Perdiccas, i. 95 
Alcimu3,A\ie High-priest, ii. 199-201^ 2QS^ 




Alcomencw^ i. 40 

Alexander (1) the Great, nature of his 
conquests, i. 22, 23, 24 ; his death, 28, 
250 ; his Oriental proclivities, 29, 42, 
262 ; the marriage at Susa, 81 ; he 
transports Greeks to Bactria, 32 ; money 
promise<l by him, 36 ; he appoints 
Stamenes to Babylonia, 37^ ; his rela- 
tions with Peucestas, 42 ; he builds 
ships in Babylon, 45 ; his diadem put on 
by Seleucus, 69 ; Paphlagouians send an 
embassy to him, 81 ; his policy with 
regard to native races of Asia Minor, 
91-93 ; he dispossesses Mithridates of 
Cius, 96 ; his policy with regard to the 
Greek cities, 100-110, 161 ; tradition of 
his founding Smyrna, 116''; Alexandria 
Troas named after him, 120 ; his saluta- 
tion by the Ammonian oracle, 121 * ; 
he receives divine honours, 126, 177 ; 
Antiocfaus I sees him in a dream, 143 ; 
tradition of his erecting altar at Apamea, 
215 ; perhaps the founder of Nicoiwlis, 
219 ; and of Nicephorium, 220 ; he re- 
founds Haran as Carrhae, 222 ; his siege 
of Tyre, 229 ; he develops navigation in 
Babylonia, 243 ; his conquest of Baby- 
lon, 245 ; his last days in Babylon, 246, 
247 ; he consults Babylonian soothsayers, 
256 ; appoints Atropates to Media, 263 ; 
founds cities in Media, 264, 265 ; founds 
Alexandropolis in Nisa, 266 ; colonizes 
Aria, 268 ; Margiana and Drangiana, 270 ; 
Arachosia, 271 ; coast of Indian Ocean, 
273 ; enters India by Khaibar pass, 273, 
274, 292 ; founds Cadrusi, 274 ; meets 
with resistance in Bactria, 275 ; colonizes 
Bactria and Sogiliana, 276 ; appoints 
Tlepoleraus to Carmania, 278 ; has the 
Empire measured, 281 ; his treasurer, 
282 ; he orders the exploration of the 
Caspian, 282 ; represses Zoroastrian cus- 
toms, 290 ; Chandragupta and Alexander, 
295 ; altars erected by A. beside the 
Uyphasis, 296 ; his influence on India, 
298 ; colonizes Samaria, ii. 164 ; his 
relations with the army, 271 ; story of 
his wearing divine insignia, 275 ; his 
attempt to miroduce pi'oski/nefis^ 278 ; A. 
polygamous, 279 

— (2), son of Alexander the Great i. 33- 
35, 37, 50, 57, 93 

— (3), son of Cassander. i. 64 

— (4), son of Lysimachus, i. 71, 128 * 

— (5), son of Antiochus I, i. 169, 193, 
324, 325, 327 

— (6), name of Seleucus III before his 
accession, i. 204 

— (7)IIof Epirus,i. 2993 

— (8), brother of Molon, i. 301, 308 

— (9), the Acamanian, ii. 63, 86 

— (10) Balas, brought forward >a^ E»\iiiwiTi^v 

209 ; in Rome, ib, ; establishes himidf 
in Ptolenuiis, 210 ; defeats Demetrint, 
211 ; his reign, 212-221 ; question of hii 
identity, 299 
Alexander (11) Zabinas, his reign, 249-2SS 

— (1 2) Jannaeus, king of the Jews, u. 257 ; 
the Jews rebel against him, 261 ; he tzia 
to stop Antiochus XII, 262 

Alexandria (1) in E^ypt ; its value m 
harbour, L 146 ; its medical schoob, 
179 ; its degeneracy, 223 ; its liteniy 
movement, 230 ; university, 231 ; pre- 
parations in A. to meet attack of 
Antiochus III, 314 ; popular rising is 
A., il 30 ; people elect Ptolemy Eoer- 
getes II, 136; A. besieged, 140; A 
invites Seleucid princes to £^1)1, 268 

— (2) Troas, L 120, 160, 199 ; ii. 2, 68, 

— (3) in Syria. L 216 ; ii. 162 

— (4) on the Eulaeus, L 247, 255^; iL 
23"'* ; restored by Antiochus IV, 160 

— (5) in Mesene, L 247, 255 « 

— (6) in Aria, i. 268, 269,* 270 

— (7) in Margiana. i. 270 

— (8) in Arachosia, L 268, 270, 271, 278, 

— (9) among Oritae, i. 273, 279, 330 

— (10) in Macarene, i. 273 

— (11) "on the Caucasus," i. 274, 279 

— (12) Eflchate, L 276, 279 

— (13) Oxiana, i. 277 

— (14) near Bactra, i. 277 

— (15) in Carmania, i. 278 
AlexandropoUst i 266 
Almopia^ i, 321 

AmanuSf mountain, i. 67, 68, 209, 219. 

AmarduSj river, i. 263 
Atnastris ( = Amestri8), i. 134, 135 
Amestris^ niece of Darius Codomannus, L 

117, 119 
Amiws, i. 80, 104,^ 111, 112 
AmitTixhadea. See Bitidusdra 
Ammon, ii. 275 
. 1 m mon ian oracle, i. 1 2 1 
Amvwnite country, ii. 171, 172, 182* 
Ammoniua^ minister of Balas, ii. 213-215; 

bribed by Marathus, 217 ; accused bj 

Ptolemy, 219 ; his death, 220 
Amniojt, river, i. 96, 154 
AmphilochuSy mythical hero, L 230 
AviphimachuSy satrap of Mesopotamia, L 

44, 47 
Amphipolis (1), in Macedonia, ii. 145. 

See Ap6liod(trHS (3), Afetrorlorus 

— (2) on the Euphrates, i. 220 
Amyce, plain of, i. 211 

AviynandeTy king of the Athamanians, IL 

75, 76, 88 
AmyntaSy general of Autigonua, i. 97 
\ Atwigtiwi,Yu 1^9, 191, 192 



AnaJitta, Anaitis {Nanaea)^ i. 260; ii. 

18, 160 = Artemis Persike, i. 226 
Anaximbrotus, satrap of Phrygia, i. 177 
ATiq^a, i. 141, 154^; battle of A., 194, 

195, 198, 285, 288 
AndrdgaraSf dynast of Parthia, i. 284, 

287, 288 
Andriacef ii. 42 

Andriscus of Adramyttium, ii. 208, 209 
Aridramachus, i. 202, 204'-* ; iL 2 
Andron, pirate captain, i. 118 
Andronicus (1), commander in Ephesus, ii. 


— (2), agent of Antiochus IV, u. 128, 171 
Andros, the island, i. 113 ; ii. 86 
Androsthenes of Cyzicus, general of Anti- 
ochus III, ii. 23 

Anemuriian, ii. 39 
AnUdcidas, Peace of, i. 88, 101 
Antigt'ms, Macedonian chief, i. 34, 35, 

43, 46, 247 
ArUigonia (1) in Syria, i. 63, 211-213 

— (2) = Nicaea, i. 115 

— (3) = Alexandria Troas, i. 115 
Antigonus (1) the One-eyed ; A. and the 

CoBsaeans, i. 23 ^ ; satrap of Phrygia, 
opposes Perdiccas, 33 f . ; at Triparadisns, 
36, 37 ; conquers Asia, 40-49 ; his war 
with Cassauder, Lysimachus, Ptolemy 
and Seleucus, 51-60 ; battle of Ipsus 
and death of A., 59, 60 ; his treatment 
of the Phrygians, 91 ; his action with 
regard to the unsuMued races of Asia 
Minor, 94-97 ; with regard to the Greek 
cities, 106, 111-117; receives divine 
honours, 126 ; Docimus, his lieutenant, 
130 ; his capital, Celaenae, 151, 164 ; 
respects freedom of Erythrae, 161 ; em- 
bassy of Ilian Body to A., 162^; his 
foundation of Antigonia in Syria, 211, 
212 ; guided by warning of the Chal- 
daeans, 256 ; his action in the eastern 
satrapies, 271, 274, 277, 278 ; joined by 
Pithon the son of Agenor, 294 ; relations 
of A. to the army, ii. 271 

— (2) Cronatas, in Central Greece, i. 128 ; 
attacks Ptolemy Keraunos, 129 ; checked 
in Central Greece, 132 ; his war with 
Antiochus I, 135 ; cf. 324 ; becomes 
king in Macedonia, 144 ; marries Phila, 
145 ; battle of Cos, 150 ; left guardian 
of children of Nicomedes, 156, 173 ; 
defeats Sophron, 188* 

— (3) Dosou, i. 205 

— , himse of^ takes root in Macedonia, i. 
145. For the Antigonid kingdom see 

— (4), son of Demetrius Soter, ii. 214, 300 
AntUibanxta^ mountain, i. 23, 207, 216 
Awtioch (1), on the Orontes ("near 

Daphne"), cradle of first Gentile church, 
L 20; Seleucus I at Antioch, 63, 64, 

69 ; chief capital of the Empire under 
Antiochus I (?), 151 ; court of Antiochus 
II and Berenice fixed there, 179 ; 
Berenice at Antioch, 181-183; A. 
captured by Ptolemy III, 185, 186 ; 
Seleucus II has his seat of government 
at A., 191 ; satrapy of A., 208 ; A. 
accessible to ships, 210 ; description of 
A., 211-214 ; route from A. to the East, 
217; magistrates of A., 228*; its 
literary standing, 225 ; temple of 
Artemis Persike, 226 ; custom of Ara- 
maean population, 228 * ; its rise in 
dignity under Seleucus II, 236 ; rebellion 
of Stratonice, 237 ; inscription of A. 
(?), 254^; Zoroastrian temple, 291; 
Antiochus III at A. 303 ; party favour- 
able to Achaeus, ii. 10 ; residences of 
Antiochus III at A., 38, 52, 57 ; Roman 
customs introduced by Antiochus IV, 
131 ; eph^boi of A., 146 ; additions of 
Antiochus IV, 149-151 ; A. clamours 
for restoration of Andriscus, 209 ; 
governed by Hierax and Diodotus, 214 ; 
rebels against Balas, 218 ; first great 
earthquake, 218^; offers diadem to 
Ptolemy, 220 ; receives Demetrius II, 
221 ; Cretan oppression, 224 ; A. rebels, 
225 ; receives Tryphon, 227 ; captureti 
by Antiochus Sidetes, 238 ; its bereave- 
ment after battle in Media, 247 ; rebels 
against Demetrius II, 248 ; receives 
Zabinas, 249 ; arrival of the body of 
Sidetes, 251 ;][rises against Zabinas, 252 ; 
federation of addphoi demoij 252 * ; 
Grypos reigns there, 253 ; held by 
Cyzicenus and recaptured by Grypos, 
254 ; attacked by Antiochus XI and 
Philip, 260 ; captured by Demetrius III, 
ih. ; by Philip, 261 ; in possession of 
Tigranes, 263, 265 ; receives Antiochus 
XIII, 266; receives Philip II, 267; 
opposes restoration of Seleucids, ib, ; 
assembly of A. and assembly of army, 
272 ; public library of A., 276 ; lake of 
A.,i. 211, 212 
Antioch (2) in Pieria, i. 216 

— (3) lAmotis, i. 148 

— (4) near Cragus (perhaps identical with 
preceding), i. 148 

— (5) TapdXioit i. 148*^ 

— (6) on the Meander, i. 165 ; iL 47, 112 

— (7) in Pisidia, I 165 

— (8) irl TV ToiJ/)v, i. 219 

— (9) Arabis, L 222 « 

— (10) in Sittacene, i. 255 

— (11) in Persia, i. 265, 280 

— (12) in Margiana, i. 270 

— (13) in Scythia, i. 277 

— (14) in Lydia, ii. 15P 

— (15) on the Euphrates, ii. 152 

— (16) near Hippus^ ii. 157L 



AtUiocJu, also name of Adana, Alabanda, 
Alexandria (5), Cebrene, Edessa, Gadara, 
Jerusalem, Nisibis, Nysa, Ptolemaifs, 
Tarsus, Tralles (q.v.) 

AntiochU (1), daughter of Achaeus, i. 157, 

— (2), sister of Antiochos III, ii. 16 

— (3), daughter of Antiochus III, queen 
of Cappadocia, ii. 60, 157, 185 

— (4), concubine of Antiochus IV, iL 132 
AtUiochus (1), father of Seleucus I, i. 30, 


— (2) I Soter ; with Seleucus at Ipsus, i. 
59 ; viceroy of the eastern provinces, i. 
64, 69, 70 ; ii. 272 ; his marriage with 
Stratonice, i. 64 ; Seleucus intends to 
resign Asia to him, 72 ; his gift to 
Miletus, 121 ; his accession, 74, 75 ; his 
reign, 127-170 ; receives divine honours, 
177 ; A. and cities of Syria, 210, 233, 
234, 236 ; his inscription in Babylon, 
255 ; encourages Berosus, 256 ; A. .as 
city-builder in Irdn, 265, 268, 269, 270, 
279, 280 ; his correspondence with Bin- 
dus^ra, 297 ; his war with Antigonus 
Gronatas, 324 ; patron of Aratus, iL 276 

— (3) II ITieos, associated as co-king with 
his father, i. 150,' 169 ; his reign, 171- 
180 ; foundation of Themisonium, 166 ; 
concedes autonomy to Aradus, 236 ; rise 
of Arsacid power goes back to his reign, 
285 286 

— (4)'Hierax, 179, 181,* 191-203, 236 

— (5) III, "the Great King," in eastern 
provinces during reign of his brother, i. 
204 ; his reign, i. 300-ii. 120 ; exacts 
tribute of the Greek cities, i. 160 ; his 
work in Antioch, 213 ; appoints High- 
priest at Daphne, 214 ; his cult at 
Antioch-in-Persls, 280 ; his title of Great 
King, ii. 270 ;j patron of Euphorion, 276 ; 
he dances the armed dance at dinner, 

278 ; makes Hegesianax a Friend, 282 ^ ; 
his com])act with Attains, 295 

— (6), eldest son of Antiochus III, ii. 17, 
37 ; marries his sister Laodice, ii. 52, 

279 ; receives Hannibal, 53 ; sent back 
to Syria from Asia Minor, 57 ; his death, 

— (7) IV Epiphanes ; taken as hostage to 
Rome, ii. 112, 114 ; exchanged for 
Demetrius, 124 ; his reign, 126-177 ; his 
relations with Philonides, 275 

— (8) V Eupator, associated in the throne, 
ii. 136 ; left in charge of Lysias, 158; 
his reign, 178-187 ; his death, 193, 194 

— (9) VI Dionysus, confided to Yamlik, 
ii. 220 ; proclaimed by Tryphon in 
Apamea, 226 ; received by Antiocli, 227 ; 
murdered by Tryphon, 230 

— (10) VII Kuergetes (Sidetes), sent out 
of Syria by his father, ii. ^\0 *, \v\a te\%Ti, \ 

236-246 ; his body sent to Antioch, 251 ; 
his title of Great King, 270 ; his anny, 
Antiochus (11) VIII Philometor (Grypoi) ; 
educated at Athens, ii. 250, 277; his 
reign, 250-259; hia i-rtarokorfpi^ 
282 ; whence hia nose ! 301 

— (12) IX Philopator (Cyiicenua), ant 
out of Syria by Cleopatra, ii. 248 ; \m 
reign, 253-259 ; his conquests from the 
Jews, 302 

— (13) X Eusebes, iL 259, 260 ; his end, 
263 > 

— (14) XI Philadelphus, iL 260 

— (15) XII Dionysus, iL 261, 262 

— (16) XIII (Asiaticus), in Rome, iL 263 ; 
in Syria, 266, 267 

— (17) I of Commagene, iL 258 ' 

— (18) Philopappus, Gains Julius, iL 268 

— (19), Friend of Ptolemy III, L 189, 189* 
AnUpater (1), governor of Macedonia for 

Alexander the Great, L 32-37, 43, 62, 
106, 128,1 144 

— (2), son of Cassander, i. 64, 65 

— (3), nephew of Cassander, L 128,' 144 

— (4), governor of Hellespontine Phrygia, 
L 137 

— (5), Stoic philosopher, i. 231 

— (6), nephew of Antiochus III. i. 820: 
iL 109, 111, 112 

Jnytoof Tegea, L 139 
AouSy river, ii. 76 

Apama (1), daughter of Spitamenes, wife 
of Seleucus I, L 31, 64, 164 

— (2), daughter of Antiochus I, wife of 
Magas, L 146, 169, 178, 183 

— (3), wife of King Amynander, ii. 75 
Apamea (1) on the Axius (Orontes), 

founded by Seleucus I, 68, 214, 215; 
dependent towns, 216 ; war with Tinrismi^, 
224 ; base of Antiochus Ill's attack on 
Coele-Syria, 305, 306, 311, 312 ; famUy 
of Hermias stoned there, 311 ; A. strikes 
money under Antiochus IV, iL 152 ; 
Antiochus VI proclaimed there, 226 ; 
last stand of Tryphon, 238 ; rebels 
against Demetrius II, 248 ; one of fbe 
addphoi dcmoiy 252 * 

— (2), on the Euphrates zeu^ma^ L 32,* 
220, 221 

— (3) Kibotos (Celaenoe), i. 164, 165, 
168 : Antiochus III at A., ii. 62, 99 ; 
Seleucus Philopator flees thither after 
Magnesia, 110 ; Peace of A., 113 

— (4) Damea, i. 32,* 99 

— (5) in Mesene, i. 255 

— (6) in Sittacene, i. 255 

— (7), Rhagiaua. i. 265 ; ii. 119 « 
ApcuyrUnu L 280 

Ajxisiacac^ the, i. 289 
Apaiurius^ the Gaul, i. 205, 300 
Aplvoerennva) \\« IHA 



Aphrodisiaa (1) in Cilicia, iL 89 

— (2) in Aeolifl, ii. 101 
Aphrodisium, the, i. 198 
Aphrodisius, L 122, 123 

Aphrodite, ii. 275 ; of Praxiteles, 165 ^ ; 

A. Stratonicis at Smyrna, i. 177, 188, 

Apollo, i. 139 ; ii. 74 ; of Daphne, i. 209, 

214; ii. 150, 171; of Xanthus, i. 84; 

Didymaean, i. 53, 110, 121, 184, 283 ; 

ii. 46 ; see Branchidae ; Antiochus 1 

worshipped as Apollo, i. 142 ; A., divine 

ancestor of Seleucids, 121, 285 ; ii. 275 
ApoOodoras (1) of Tarsus, i. 232 

— (2), father of King Philocles, L 285 

— (3) of Amphipolis, i. 245 

— (4) of Artemita, L 256 

— (5), satrap of Susiana, i. 309 

— (6), Athenian popular leader, ii. 73 
ApoUonia (1) in Phrygia, i. 108 ^ 

— (2) in Sittacene, I 255 ; ApoUoniatis, i. 
255,7 303, 307, 808 

— (3) in Illyria, ii. 66, 72, 79 
Apollonides, friend of Demetrius Poliorcetes, 

i. 68 
ApoUonis, queen of Pergamos, i. 199, 200 
Apollonitis (1), commander of fleet, ii. 103 

— (2), friend of Seleucus IV, ii 128, 191 

— (3), envoy of Antiochus IV to Rome, iL 

— (4), son of Menestheus, ii. 134, 191 ' 

— (5), identical with preceding ?, ii. 176 *•* 

— (6), commander of the Mysians, ii. 178 

— (7), friend of Demetrius, ii. 190, 283 

— (8), governor of Coele-Syria, ii. 218 
Apollqphanes (1 ) of Antioch, i. 225 

— (2) of Seleucia, i. 225, 310-312 ; ii. 283 
Appius Clatulituf, ii. 80 

Arabia f L 25 ; Arabian desert, i. 25, 26, 

Arabs (Bedawin), Alexander's plans with 
regard to them, I 24 ; A. tribes beyond 
Jordan allies of Antiochus III, 317 ; A. 
in army of Antiochus III, ii. 289. See 
Aziz, Shemashgeram, Yamlik, Zabdibd, 

— Gerrhaeans, ii. 23, 24 

— Nabataeans, attacked by Antigonus, i. 
55 ; use of Aramaic as official language, 
228 ; friendly to the Jewish nationalists, 
ii. 182 ; lose Medeba to the Jews, 249 ; 
become an important power, 257 ; at- 
tacked by Antiochus XII, 261, 262. See 

Arachosia, i. 262, 268, 270, 329 ; ii. 23 

Ar<schotu8y river, i. 271 

Aradus (Arvad), i. 229 ; favours of Anti- 
ochus II and Seleucus II, 236 ; renews 
alliance with Antiochus III, 315 ; tries 
to destroy Marathus, iL 217 ; Antiochus 
X proclaimed there, 259 

Aramaeans, the, L 27, 206, 225 f. 

Aratus of Soli, L 145, 232 ; IL 276 
Araxes, river, ii. 119 
Arbelct, battle of, i. 245 
Arbies, the, i. 272 
Arbis, river, i. 330 
ArceiUhiis, river, i. 211 
Archedemus of Tarsus, i. 231 
Archelaus (1), king of Macedonia, i. 18 

— (2), the dancer, L 171 
Archias, governor of Cyprus, ii. 208 
Archon of Pella, i. 87, 38, 248 
Ardoates, Armenian king, i. 97 

Ardys (1), general of Antiochus III, L 312 

— (2), son of Antiochus III, ii. 39 
Aretas, See HareJUu 
Arethusa, i. 216 ; ii. 266 

Argos, L 118, 212, 230 

Aria, L 47, 262, 266, 268-271 

Ariadne, Mount, ii. 208 

Ariamnes, king of Cappadocia, i. 154, 

172, 200 
Arianus, agent of Bolis, ii. 8-11 
AriarcUhes I of Cappadocia, i. 80, 81, 93, 

96,^ 97 ; house of, see Cappadocia 

— II, L 96, 97, 99, 153 

— Ill, L 172, 194 ; ii. 59, 60 

— IV Eusebes, marries Antiochis, ii. 59, 
60 ; allies himself with Pergamos and 
Rome, 122 ; war with Phamaces, 128, 
124 ; allied with Antiochus IV, 188 ; 
his children, 157 ; keeps Melitene from 
Ptolemy, 158 

— eldest son (suppositious ?) of preceding, 
iL 157 

— V, *Eusebe8 PhUopator, called Mithri- 
dates before accession, iL 157 ; alienated 
by Lysias, 185,' 186 ; refuses the sister 
of Demetrius, 195 ; expelled by De- 
metrius, 205 ; reinstated by Attains, 
207, 208 ; in the coalition against 
Demetrius, 210 

Aribazus (1), governor of Cilicia, L 185, 
235, 291 

— (2), governor of Sardis, i. 291 ; ii. 7, 13 
Arienei, the, i. 99 

Ariobarzanes (1), satrap of Uellespontine 
Phrygia, i. 90, 108, 153 

— (2), king of Pontic Cappadocia, L 135, 
154, 172, 193, 194 

Aristarchus, physician of Berenice, i. 188 
Aristides, envoy of Antiochus IV to 

Alexandria, ii. 139 
Aj^tolnUits (1), the Jewish Hellenist, ii. 

166 « 

— (2), king of the Jews, ii. 256 
Aristocles, Ptolemaic commander, i. 185 
Aristodicides of Assos, L 159 

Ariston, of Tyre, agent of Hannibal, ii. 

57, 61 
Aristophanes, i. 232 
AristoUe, I 15, 246 ; ii. 165 
Aristus, favourite of Antiochus 11^ 1. 171 



Anus, river, i. 268, 269 ; ii. 21 
Armenia, Armenuuis, i. 25, 26, 77, 97, 

173, 201 ; invatled by Lucullus, ii. 266. 

See Ardoates, Arsames, Xerxes (2), 

AHazi€ts, Zariadris 
Amon, river, ii. 249 
Arrhidaeus (1), Macedonian chief, i. 35, 

36, 37, 43, 110, 111 

— (2), oikononios of Laodice, i, 162' 

— Philip. See PhUip (2) 

Arsaces (1), name of Artaxerxes II, i. 286 

— (2), dynastic name of kings of Parthia 

— I, i. 285, 286 

— II Teridates, i. 284-289 

— Ill, his war with Antiochus III, ii. 18- 
20 ; his death, 119 

— IV Phriapatius, ii. 119, 158 

— V Phraates I, ii. 158 

— VI Mithridates I, u. 158, 159, 234, 
241, 242 

— VII Phraates II, his war with Antiochus 
VII, 242-246 ; his end, 247 ; sends 
home body of Sidetes, 251 

— VIII Mithridates II ("the Great"), 
ii. 261 

Arsacia, i. 264 * 

Arsames, Armenian king, i. 201, 202 
Arsamosata^ ii. 15, 16 
ArsinoH (1), daughter of Lysimaclius, wife 
of Ptolemy II, i. 71; ii. 279 '^ 

— (2), daughter of Ptolemy I, wife first of 
Lysimachus, then of Ptolemy II, i. 62, 
70,1 72, 119, 128,1 130, 148, 175*; U. 

— (3), sister and wife of Itolemy IV, i. 

— town (properly Arsinoea?) (1), in 
Cilicia, i. 148 

— (Arsinoea ?) (2), temporary name of 
PaUra, i. 148 

ArsinoHa, temporary name of Ephesus, i. 

Art<ibazanes, dynast of Atropatene, i. 303, 

309, 310 
Artcucata, ii. 119 
Ariaxerxes (1) II Mnemon, i. 286 

— (2) Ochus, i. 229 

Artojcias of Armenia, ii. 118, 119 ; con- 
quered by Antiochus IV, 158 ; allied 
with Timarchus, 194 ; dissuaded from 
seizing part of Sophene, 195 

ArietnbaseSj Lycian dynast, i. 85 

Artemisj ii. 275 ; of Ephesus, i. 105, 109, 
175 ; Artemis Brauronia, i. 226 ; at 
Laodicea, i. 226 ; il 268 ; Leucoi)hryene, 
i. 280 ; ii. 47 ; Persike, i. 226 ; Artemis 
of Daphne, ii. 254 

Artemita, i. 255, 256 

Artemon, i. 181 

Articoana, i. 268. 269 * 

Arycanda, ii. 294 

Asaak, l 285 

Asander, satrap of Caria, i. Ill, 112 
AsixUon, il 152 ; conciliates the Jews. 

218; mint of Tryphon, 288^; cofau 

money of Zabinas, 251 ; of Cyziceniu. 

255 ; obtains its freedom, 256 ; survives 

as Hellenic state, 264 
Ascanian Lake, i. 115, 120 
Asclepiodorus, Macedonian officer in 

Babylon, I 245 
Asia ( = realm of Enmenes), ii 116; 

becomes Roman province of Asia, 256 
Asidates, Persian noble, i. 90 
Asnavania, mountain, L 263 
Asoka, Indian king, L 298 ; iL 23 
Aspcndus, L 105, 106, 131 ; ii. 8, 102, 

Asshur, i. 239 
Assos, i. 159 
Assyria, Assyrians, i. 27, 76, 229, 230, 339. 

240, 252, 255, 261 
Astabene, i. 285 
Astacus (1) in l*ropontis, L 81, 82,^ 95, 

119 155 

— (2)'in Syria ?, i. 222 « 
Asterusia, i. 274 
Atahyrium, i. 316, 317 
Atargatis, i. 218, 226 
Athavianians, the. ii. 75, 78, 79, 80, 82 
Athena, i. 84 ; iL 60, 152 ^ 

— of Ilion, See Ilion 

— Polias of Priene, i. 109 

— of Megarsus, i. 232 
Athenuutis (1), son of Attains, ii. 47 

— (2), general of Antiochus VII, ii. 248, 

AUienobitis, officer of Antiochus VII, ii 

Athens, older history (before death of 
Alexander), i. 81, 82,2 54,* 85, 88, 101, 
102, 153, 196, 212, 226 ; later history, 
its appearance in Roman times, i. 15 ; 
the Lamian war, 32 ; calls Antigonus 
king, 57 ^ ; jjressed by Cassauder, 58 ; 
annoyed by Demetrius Poliorcetes, 65 ; 
its influence on Alexander, 102 ' ; its 
worship of Antigonus, 126 ; favours of 
Attains, 200 ; Cilician men of letters in 
A., 231, 232 ; invokes Rome, ii. 33 ; 
unrest during invasion of Antiochus III, 
73 ; captured com given to A., 86 ; 
Antiochus IV at A., 126 ; Athenian 
embassies at Alexandria, 138 ; favours 
of Antiochus IV, 148, 149 ; decree re- 
lating to Antiochus IV, 151 ^ ; Oriental 
communities in A., 165 ; Jerusalem re- 
organized by an Athenian, 173 ; Anti- 
ochus Grypos educated at A., 250, 277 ; 
Philopappus monument, 268 ; Athenian 
colonists in Lemnas, i. 118, 130 

Atilius, Roman admiral, ii. 66, 72, 81, 86, 

Atrosr., \\. 1Q 



AtropcUene (Adharbaij^n) = Lesser Media, 
i. 263, 264, 266,« 303; invaded by 
Autiochus III, 310 

A tropaicst satrap of Media, L 263, 264 

Attnlia^i. 167, 167 ** 

Attaints (1), father of Pbiletaerus, i. 130* 

— (2), brother of Pbiletaerus, i. 167 

— (3) I of PergamoK, i. 196-205, 303 ; hard 
pressed by Achaeus, ii. 1, 2 ; his expedi- 
tion through domain of Achaeus, 4 ; 
allied with Antiochus III, 5 ; the inodus 
Vivendi, 14 ; relations of Pergamos to 
other powers, 31 ; war between A. and 
Pliilip, A. invokes Rome, 32-34 ; A. 
attacked by Antiochus, 36 ; his death, 
47 ; supplies com to Seleucid govern- 
ment, 111 ; his compact with Antiochus 
III, 296 

— (4) II Philadelphus, ii. 47, 66 ; defends 
Pergamos, 99, 100 ; escorts Antiochus 
IV to SjTia, 127 ; succeeds Eumenes II, 
207 ; in the coalition against Demetrius, 

— (5) III Philometor bequeathes his 
kingdom to Rome, 258 

Aulisj ii. 76 

AureliuSf Lucius, ii. 186 

AvestOj the, I 260, 290; the Vondidad, 

266, 268, 269 
Axius, river, in Macedonia, i. 321 

— river (Orontes, q.v,), i. 208 
Aziz, Arab chief, ii. 261, 266, 267 
Azorusj i. 50 

Asotxis, ii. 218, 219 

JkLoL, Gazir, L 80 ; B. Markod, I 227 
Bahyloi^ Babylonia, 238-257; ancient 
monarchy in Babylonia, i. 3 ; king of 
Babylon employs Greek mercenaries, 8 ; 
character of Babylonia, 26, 40, 76 ; death 
of Alexander in Babylon, 28 ; Partition 
of Babylon, 30, 263, 274; Babylonia 
given to Seleucus, 37-40 ; Seleucus in 
Babylon, 42-46 ; Seleucus flees from 
Babylon, 48 ; Seleucus returns, 63, 54 ; 
raid of Demetrius Poliorcetes, 65, 56 ; 
Antiochus Soter established in Babylon 
as viceroy, 64, 128 ^ ; Seleucid era used 
in Babylonia, 147 ' ; Seleucus, sou of 
Antiochus, viceroy in Babylon (?), 169 ; 
Babylonia still held by Seleucus III, 203 ; 
routes from Babylon to the Mediter- 
ranean, 207, 211, 221 ; degeneration of 
Macedonians in Babylonia, 223 ; Persian 
satrap of Babr/lonia, 261 ; Antiochus III 
in Babylonia before his accession, 300 ; 
ZeuxiB, satrap of Babylonia, 303 ; Baby- 
lonia occupied by MoIod, 306 ; Jews in 
Babylonia, ii. 166, 166 ; Demetrius I 
welcomed by the Babylonians, 196 ; 
Babylonia held by Demetrius II, 228, 
233 ; conquered by the Parthiaus, 234 ; 

recovered by Antiochus VII, 243 ; re- 
conquered by the Parthians, 246 ; legend 
of the anchor found in Babylon, 276 

Bacchuics, general of Demetrius I, ii. 199, 
200 ; subjugates Judaea, 202-204, 300 

Bacchium, the, ii. 101 

Bactra (Zariaspa), i. 273, 277 ; its siege by 
Antiochus III, ii. 21 

Bactria, i. 32, 262, 276-278, 286-288, 290 ; 
invaded by Antiochus III, ii. 21, 22 ; 
Bactrian kingdom curtailed by the 
Parthians, 234 

Bacbius, Marcus, ii. 66, 72, 78, 79, 82 

Baetocaece, i. 227 

Baian, Beni-, Arab tribe, ii. 182 

Balticrus, satrap of Cilicia, i. 92 

Balaneoj ii. 256 

Bambyce (Mabog, Hieropolis), i. 217, 218, 
220, 221, 226 ; iL 162, 166, 259 

Barbdissus, i. 217, 218 

BardesaneSy the Gnostic, L 228 

Barttylia, i. 162, 163 ^ ; iL 33, 43, 49 

Barsine, mother of Heracles, i. 29 

BctSy Bithynian chief, L 92, 95 

Bascama, ii. 230 

Baianca, iL 37 

Batnae, L 221 

Bedawin. See x{raJbs 

Bel, L 266 

Belichas, river, L 221 

Berea, iL 202 

Berenice (1), wife of Ptolemy I, i. 70 

— (2) of Gyrene, wife of Demetrius the Fair 
and of Ptolemy III, L 178, 183, 323 

— (3), daughter of Ptolemy II, wife of 
Antiochus II, L 178, 179, 181-184, 190 

— (4), high-priestess, i. 176,* 178 

— (5), daughter of Ptolemy Auletes, iL 268 
Berenice^ town, i. 148 

Bercea (in Syria), L 217, 218 ; iL 185, 269, 

Berosus, Babylonian historian, i. 266 
BerytHs (Laodicea), i. 313, 315 ; ii. 152,' 

251, 264 
Bethd, ii. 203 
Beth-hor<yn, ii. 204 

Bcth-sur, ii. 179, 184, 203, 216, 229 
Belh-zacharicUi, ii. 184 
Bindttsdra, Indian king, L 297, 298 
BUhynia, L 81, 100, 137, 154, 198. Sec 

Docdalsiis, Bas, ZibaUes, yicomedes, 

Ziaelas, Priisias, Menas 
BUhys, ^TiaroXoypdipos of Antiochus Gry- 

pos, ii. 282 
Blitor, satrap of Mesopotamia, i. 47 
Bofotian League, the, iL 47, 73, 76, 86 
BdU, the Cretan, ii. 7-12 
Borsippa, L 260, 261, 266 
Bospkorus, the, L 44, 60, 82, 88, 111, 116, 

136, 137, 165 
Bosra, IL 183 
Botryg, L 316 



Branchidae, i. 149, 159, 191. See Apollo, 

Brochi, i. 305, 313 
BrundUium, ii. 66, 82 
Bryaxis, Athenian sculptor, i. 214 
Buddhism, i. 298 
ByUot (Gebal), u. 152, 156, 264 
BytaiUiwn, helps Calchedon against the 

Bithynians, i. 81 ; welcomes Antigonus, 

III ; member of anti-Seleucid League, 
123, 175 ; vexed by the Gauls, 137 ; 
among guardiauH of children of Nico- 
medes, 173 ; mediates between Ptolemy 

IV and Antiochus III, 314 ; quarrels 
with Rhodes, ii. 1 ; tries to reconcile 
Attains and Achaeus, 2 ; favours of 
Antiochus III, 55, 63^ ; helps Romans, 
107*; Heraclidesof B.; b^ Ueradides {Z) 

Cabcdis, i. 83, 93 

Cadrusi, I 274 

Cfaeneus, Antiochene magistrate, i. 182 

Caleus, river, i. 167, 198 ; ii. 99, 108 

Calamus, i. 315 

CdUu, satrap of Iielle8]>ontine Phrygia, L 

Calchedon, i. 81, 82,= 95, 111, 123, 127,* 

137 2 
Callatis,\. 112, 127, 176 ^ 
Callidromius (part of Mount Oeta), ii. 86 
CaUimandeTy friend of Demetrius II, ii. 242 
Oallinicon, See Kallinikon, 
CdUinuSy the poet, i. 136 
CaUiope, i. 266 
OaUipolis, i. 222 « 
(JaUimUiSy i. 308 
OalycadmiSy river, L 148 
Calymjuiy i. 160 

CamhyluSy Cretin condoUierey ii. 7-13 
OambyseSy king of Persiii, L 64 
CamUs, i. 317 

CanacfuiSy Athenian sculptor, i. 121 
(Janaey ii. 93, 95, 97 
Caphnrsabay ii. 262 
Cappadocia, i. 59, 66, 78, 79, 80, 87, 91, 

99, 141,3 151 ; satrapy of Eumenes, 30, 

43, 93 ; C. Seleucis, 99 ; realm of 

AriaratheH, 97, 154, 164, 172, 194; C. 

contingent at Magnesia, iL 109, 110 ; C. 

people l)ecomes friend of Rome, 122 ; 

Roman mission in C, 186; another 

mission in C, 196 
— Pontic, i. 96, 98, 111, 172, 193, 303 ; 

ii. 266 
Capreataey i. 99 
CapruSy river, i. 307' 
CardiOy i. 7 1 . See Eamtnes ( 1 ), Hieronynius 
Carduchiy i. 79*. See Kurds 
Caritty i. 13, 65, 77 ; native dynasty in 

fourth century, 86 ; under Alexander, 

91, 151 ; satrapy of Asander, 111, 112 ; 

Ptoleuiajc rule, 146,^ 148, US), \5\? 

184, 196 ; Seleucid rule, 152,^ 166, 325; 

defeat of Antiochus Hierax in CX, 202; 

Philip invades C, iL 33, 42, 43 ; Romans 

inC, 98; C. given to Rhodes, 116; 

Carian mercenaries, 286 ; Hermias the 

Carian ; see ffermias 
Carians, Villages of the (in Babylonia), 

L 44 
Carmania, I 262, 278, 803 « ; ii. 23 
Carrhae, L 53, 222 
Carseae, ii. 4 ^ 
Cartatuiy L 274 
Carthage, i. 229, 240 ; ii. 33, 53, 57, 61, 81, 

92, 190 
CarystuSy ii. 67 
Casianiy i. 215 ; ii. 226 
Casiv^ (1), mountain in Syria, i. 209-211 

— (2), mountain on border of Egypt, ii 
136, 137 

Caspia^iy the, L 25, 266, 267, 281, 282, 284 
CassandfT, son of Antipater, i. 37, 43, 50, 

51 ; king in Macedonia, 57-59, 61, 63- 

65,96, 106, 113, 1281; jj^ 271 
Cassandrea, i. 126^ 
Castabala, ii. 151 
Castorion of Soli, i. 232 
Cataonia, i. 66, 79, 99, 172, 323 
CatOy Marcus, ii. 73,'^ 85 
Caunicsy I 61, 67, 112, 113, 118, 149, 166 ; 

recovers its liberty, ii. 42, 43, 90 
Cebrtncy i. 115, 168 
Cela^nae, i. 38, 139, 151, 164, 168. See 

Apam^a (3) 
Cendebaeusy general of Antiochus VII, ii. 

Ccntaretvsy Gallic chief, i. 203 
OeoSy Cleombrotus of C. See Clcoutbrotus 
CephaUcnia, iL 81 
C(raeaSy condoUierey L 317 
Chahorus, river, i. 222 
ChaeroneOy ii. 80 
e/wi/cM (1) in Eubcea, iL 54, 55. 67, 73, 74 : 

capturetl by Antiochus, 75 ; bis marriage 

there, 80 ; 82, 83, 86 ; evacuated by 

Antiochus, 87 

— (2) on the Lebanon, i. 216 ; iL 264 

— (3) on the Chains, i. 218 ; Chalcidice, 

— (4) in the territory of Apamea, iL 226 
Chaldaeansy L 239, 251, 256 

Chaldaei (tribe in Asia Minor), i. 79 ' 

Chaltp. See Berau 

ChaliiSy river, i. 217 

Chalyhesy i. 79 ^ 

Chxindrayupta, Indian king, i. 295-297 

Chaonia, L 219 

Charts, L 269 

Ouxronion, the, ii. 150 

Chelidonia, i. 165 

Cheiidonian Promontory, i. 88 ; iL 40, 52 

Chersonese (1). Thracian, L 71, 120, 127,' 



Chersonese (2) Syrian, i 68 

Chinese, the, i. 277 

Chios, 1 104, 105, 106. 107,* 150* ; ii. 38 ; 
depdt for Roman forces, 91, 93, 104 

Choaspes, river, i. 244 

Chrysa, i. 115 

Chrysippus of Soli, the Stoic philosopher, 
i. 231, 256 

Cibtfra, i. d3, 166 

Ctenum, ii. 79, 83 

Cierus, I 134, 137 =» 

CUicia, i. 26, 27 ; Perdiccaa in C, 38 ; 
Eumenes in C, 43 ; Demetrios appointed 
to hold C, 52 ; C. given to Plistarchns, 
61 ; Demetrius seizes C, 62, 63, 232, 
233 ; SeieucQs occupies it, 65 ; Demetrius 
in C. again, 66, 67 ; Balacrus, satrap of 
C, 92 ; Seleucid and Ptolemaic fight for 
C, 148, 179, 184, 186 ; Ptolemaic opera- 
tions in C, 185 ; Antiochus, governor of 
C, 189; Seleucns H in C, 195; C. and 
Hellenism, 230-232 ; Mazaeus, Persian 
satrap of C., 245 ; Harpalos and C, 246 ; 
Antiochus III conquers coast of C, ii. 
39 ; Antiochus IV in C, 171 ; Alexander 
Balas in C, 207 ; Balas flees to C. again, 

220 ; troops drawn from C. by Balas, 

221 ; authority of Demetrius II in C, 
227 ; erection of Roman province, 258 ; 
Seleucus VI in C, 259, 260 ; C. in pos- 
session of Tigranes, 263 ; Philip II in C, 
266 ; Cilician €lii:ufvoi, 287 

Cilician Gates, I 69, 79, 82, 83, 93, 163, 

CimicUa, i. 96 
Cimmerians, the, i. 136 
Ciman, the Athenian, i. 85 
Gineas, regent of Egypt, ii. 139 
Cissus, i. 92 
Citium, i. 231 
Cmm, i. 90, 91, 96, 111, 1-27,'- 173 ; u. 32 ; 

Herodorus of C. ; see Herodorus 
Clazomenae, i. 107, 117, 150* ; ii. 93, 188 
Clearchus (1), tyrant of Heroclea, L 119 

— (2) of Soli, disciple of Aristotle, iL 165 
CUombrotus of Ceos, the physician, i. 179 
Cleopatra (1)1, daughter of Antiochus III, 

betrothed to Ptolemy Epiphanes, ii. 88 ; 
married, 57 ; governs Egypt as regent, 
134 ; cf. 296 

— (2) II, daughter of Ptolemy Epiphanes, 
wife of Philometor, transferred to Euer- 
getes, ii. 138 ; reverts to Philometor, 
142 ; left in charge of infant Ptolemy 
VIII, 222 ; expelled by Euergetes, 248 ; 
reconciled to Euergetes, 251 

— (8), daughter of Ptolemy Philometor, 
queen of Syria, married to Alexander 
Balas, ii. 212 ; given to Demetrius 
Nicator, 220, 221 ; left at Seleucia, 238 ; 
marries Antiochus Sidetes, 287 ; sends 
his son out of Syria, 248 ; assassinates 

Demetrius and seizes the throne, 250 ; 
allied with Ptolemy Euergetes, 251 ; her 
end, 252 ; gives Tyre its freedom, 255 
Cleopatra (4) III of Egypt, daughter of 
Ptolemy Philometor and Cleopatra II, 
wife of Ptolemy Euergetes II, 248'; 
seizes the chief power in Egypt, 258 ; 
compels Soter to marry Selene, 254 ; 
help8%the enemies of Soter in Sjnria, 257 

— (5), daughter of Euergetes and Cleopatra 
III, wife first of Ptolemy Soter, then of 
Antiochus IX, ii. 254, 255 

— (6) VI, daughter of Ptolemy Auletes, iL 
275, 276, 280 

ClenptoUmtu, citizen of Chalcis, ii. 80 

Cliius, Macedonian chief, L 48, 44, 111-113 

Clytus, strategos oi the Acamanians, ii. 81 

Cnidus, i. 112, 155" ; ii 98, 102, 260 

CaU, i. 127 ^ 

Caele-Syria, See Syria 

Ccetae, the, i. 79 * 

Colchi, i. 79 » 

Coloif, Lake, i. 202 

Colonae, i. 115 

Colophon, i. 117, 119, 150* ; u. 2, 4, 93, 

104, 106 
Comanus, regent of EJgpyt, ii. 139 
Commagene, I 208, 219, 220, 238 ; ii. 157, 

257, 258 
Coii^ieny river, L 262. See Kabul 
Copratas, river, i. 244 
Coracesium, i. 148 ; ii. 39, 42, 227 
Corbiane, L 329 
Corcyra, ii. 76, 207 

CoHnih, i. 103 » ; ii. 46, 54, 55, 73,3 207 
(yomdius, Lucius, ii. 49-51 
Coronea, ii. 75 
Corupedion, battle of, i. 71, 72, 97, 99, 122, 

127, 828 
Coryctis (1) in Cilicia, ii. 39 

— (2), Erythraean, ii. 97, 105 
Corylas, Paphlagonian chief, i. 79-81 
Coryltnus, ii. 101 

(Coryphaeus, mountain, i. 209 

Cos, i. 118, 149, 150; ii. 98, 98, 102; Nico- 

medes of C. ; see Nicomedes (2) 
<*ossaeans, the, L 28 ^ 
Cossutiiis, Decimus, architect, ii. 148 
CotUm, ii. 101 
Cotyalum, L 71 
(Jrannon, ii. 78, 79, 83 
Crantor of Soli, philosopher, i. 231 
CraUrus (1), Macedonian chief, i. 32-85, 117 

— (2), eunuch, ii. 248, 288 
Crates of Mallus, philosopher, L 281 
Crete, Cretans, Cretan element in popula- 
tion of Antioch, i. 212 ; colony in 
Hindu-Kush, 274 ; activity of Antiochus 
III in C, iL 47 ; state of Crete, 286 

Cretans, as mercenaries, L 813 ; iL 5, 7, 
19, 109, 286 ; in the service of Demetrius 
Nicator, 218, 228-225 



Ctesiphon^ Athenian poet, i. 200 

— (on the Tigris), i. 255, 304 

Cyclades. See NesioUie 

Ci/lnda, i. 43, 62 

Chpti^ ii. 2, 4, 93, 96 

Cynos-cephcdae, battle of, ii. 40, 41, 78 

CypmSj Phoenicians of C, i. 13 ; Seleucus 
in C, 52 ; Antigonus ^wrests C. from 
Ptolemy, 58 ; C. held by Demetrius 
after Ipsus, 61 ; Ptolemy regains C, 65, 
146, 184 ; starting-point for expedition 
against Syria, 185 ; Cypriot element in 
Autioch, 212 ; Antiochus III designs to 
seize C, ii. 52 ; C. occupied by Antiochus 
IV, 142 ; its cession demanded, 143 
forces of Antiochus ejected, 145 
attempt of Demetrius on C, 208 
governed by Ptolemy Alexander, 254 
by Ptolemy Soter, 257. See Aristus^ 
Themison, Zeno (1), Stasanor^ Stasaiid^r 

CypselUf i. 176 

CyrenCf revolts from Ptolemy II under 
Magas, i. 146, 147 ; recovered by 
Ptolemy and lost again, 178 ; Berenice 
of C. marries Ptolemy III, 183 ; C. 
visited by Buddhist missionaries, 298 ; 
Hannibal in Cyrenaica, ii. 61 ; C. given 
to Ptolemy Euergetes II, 189 

Cyreschatay i. 275 

Cyretiaej ii. 66* 

Vyrrhestice, i. 67, 208, 217-219, 233, 306, 

CyrrhuSy i. 219 

Oyrus, the Persian king, i. 12, 80, 241, 261 

— , river, i. 282, 283 

Oyzicics, maintains its freedom after Peace 
of Antalcidas, i. 88 ; its standing, 101 ; 
Arrhidaeus attempts to introduce 
garrison, 110 ; C. relieved by Antigonus, 
111 ; favours of Philetaerus, 156 ; road, 
Cyzicus-Thyatira, 167 ; Apollonis of C, 
199 ; mediates between Ptolemy and 
Antiochus III, 314; ii. 63 *; gifts of 
Antiochus IV to C, 149 ; Antiochus IX 
i-cared there, 248 ; Mithridates driven 
from C, 266 ; Androsthenes of C. ; see 

Daa^ the, i. 284 ; in army of Antiochus 
III, ii. 289 

Daedald, ii. 102 

hagoiu, temple of, it 218 

iJamuscus, i. 55 ; Greek magistracies at 
D., 223 * ; taken by Antiochus I, 234 ; 
reached by expeditions of Jonathan, ii. 
228 ; battle between Demetrius II and 
Zabinas, 249 ; capital of Cyzicenus ?, 
255; of Demetrius III, 260; of Anti- 
ochus XII, 261 ; gives itself to Uaretas, 

UamocrihLS, strategos of the Aetolians, ii. 


DamuraSf river, i. 315 

Daruxe, daughter of Leontion, L 187 

DaphnCy the nymph, L 209 

— , near Antioch ; Berenice besieged in the 
palace, i. 182 ; its legend, 209 ; descrip- 
tion of D., 213, 214 ; young Antiochus 
celebrates festival at D., ii. 53 ; pro- 
cession at D. under Antiochus IV, 146, 
284-288 ; temple robbed by Zabinas, 
252 ; feasts of Gry|>os, 253 ; Cleopatra 
takes refuge there, 254. See also 

Daray i. 289 

DanlanuvL, ii. 95 

DariuSy (1) Uystaspis, i. 41, 243 

— (2) Codomannus, i. 31, 91, 92, 101, 
117, 219, 245 

Dassaretacy the, ii. 79 

DatameSy satrap of Cappadocia, i. 80, 82 

Delmachus of Plataea, ambassador to 
India, i. 282, 297 

Devocesy the Mede, i. 4, 259 

Deliuniy ii. 74 

Delos^ gifts of Seleucus I and Stratonice, 
i. 121, 122 ; records laid up there, 158 ; 
Roman fleet at D., iu 89 ; D. trims 
between the rival powers, 91 ; statue of 
Heliodorus, 125; Popillius in D., 144; 
gifts of Antiochus IV, 149 ; Oriental 
communities in D., 165 ; inscription of 
Menippus, 270 ; of Bithys, 282 ; in 
honour of Craterus, 283 

Delphi, i. 121, 136, 161,» 189 ; Antiochus 
III at D., ii. 81 

Demetrias, ii. 54, 55, 67 ; Antiochus III 
at D., 69, 74, 76, 78, 80; Antiochus 
moves his base from D., 85, 86 ; D. 
surrenders to }*hilip, 87 

Demetrius (1) Poliorcetes, defeated at Gaza, 
i. 52, 54 ; raids Babylonia, 55, 56 ; 
besieges Rhodes and conquers Greece, 
58 ; at Ipsus, 59, 75, 169 ; his power 
after Ipsus, 61 ; from Ipsus to his death, 
62-70, 232. 233 ; his friend Mithridates, 
96 ; his love of Athens, 102*; secures 
Halicarnassus and attacks Ptolemy, 113 ; 
D. in Asia Minor before Ipsus, 117; 
after Ipsus, 118 ; receives divine honours, 
126 ; his son Antigonus Gonatas, 128^ ; 
his royal dress, ii. 274 ; D. polygamous, 
279 4 

— (2) II of Macedonia, i. 173, 205, 236 

— (3) the Fair, son of Demetrius Polior- 
cetes, husband of Berenice of Gyrene, i. 
178, 183 

— (4), son of Euthydemus, ii. 23 

— (5), son of Philip V, ii. 125 » 

— (6) I Soter, of the Seleucid line, sent 
as hostage to Rome, ii. 124 ; his escape 
from Rome, 188-193 ; his reign, 193- 
211 ; his concessions to the Jews, 216 ; 
\i\& \vA.«tc<i\x'Wft vj\Ui PliUonldes, 277 



Demetrius II Nicator, sent out of Syria by 
his father, 210 ; returns, 218 ; instated by 
Ptolemy Philometor, 220, 221 ; Egyptian 
forces annihilated in his name, 222 ; his 
first reign, 223-234 ; his attempts to 
escape, 241, 242 ; sent back by Phraates, 
244 ; his second reign, 247-250 ; chron- 
ology, 301 

— Ill PhUopator (Eukairos), ii. 260, 261 
Democrates^ epislates of Seleucia or 

Antioch(?), i. 254 
Demodamas of Miletus, 1. 162, 281-283 
DetnmtheneSf the Athenian orator, i. 7, 14 
Dicetearchus, the Aotolian, brother of Thoas, 

ii, 56 
Didyma-Teichey ii. 4 
DitwcrateSf general of Philip V, ii. 43 
Diodes (1), the Aetolian, ii. 67 

— (2), governor of Parapotamia, ii, 300 
Diodarus (1), general of Seleucus I, i. 99 

— (2), Tpo0€i/5 of Demetrius I, ii. 190, 
283 *« 

Diodotus (1)1, king of Bactria, i, 287, 288 

— (2) II, i. 288. 289 ; ii. 21 

— (3). See Tryphon 

Diogenes (1) of Tarsus, Epicurean, i. 231 

— (2), the Babylonian, Stoic, i. 256 

— (3) of Babylon, Epicurean, ii. 214 

— (4), satrap of Susiana, i. 304, 305 ; 
satrap of Media, 309 ; ii. 19, 299 

DiogneitiSt admiral of Antiochus III, i. 

303, 812, 313, 315, 316 
Diomedon, governor of Babylonian Seleucia, 

i. 305 
Dum, Ptolemaic commander in Damascus, 

i. 234 
Dionysiadesy Cilician poet, i. 232 
IHonysius (1), tyrant of Heraclea, i. 104,' 

117, 119 

— (2), ambassador to India, L 297 

— (3), commander of hypaspistai, ii. 6 

— (4), iTTiaroXorYpdipoSt ii. 146, 282 

— (5), the Mede, governor of Mesopotamia, 
ii. 233, 303 

— (6), tyrant of Beroea, ii. 261 * 
Diotiysusy ii. 201 ; Dionysiac festival in 

Caria, ii. 170* ; at Jerusalem, 173 
Dionytas, Seleucid official in Phrygia, i. 

DiophaneSf Achaean general, ii. 101 
Dio8pege,\. 222 « 

DiphiluSy general of Antigonus, i. 54 
Ditizele^ queen of Bithynia, i. 173 
Z>ocimii«,' Macedonian chief, i. 38, 130, 248 
Dauialsus, Bithynian chief, i. 81, 82, 92, 

95, 155 
Dok, ii. 239 
Dolic/ie, i. 219, 227 
Dora, i. 314 ; ii. 238, 264 
Dorian Body, the, i 149 
DorymeHta, Aetolian commander in Ptole- 
maic service, i. 813 

Drangaej the, i. 270 

Drangiana, i. 262, 263, 268, 270, 329 ; ii. 

Drynameium, i. 142 
Dura (1) on Euphrates, i. 220 
— (2) on Tigris, i. 307 

Ecbatana, i. 41, 47, 48, 121, 241, 246,» 
263, 264 ; Antiochus ni in E., it 18 ; 
called Epiphanea. 160 

Echecrates, Thessalian condottiere, L 319 

Edessa (Orrhoe, Antioch fu^o^dp^pos, or 
on Callirhoe), i. 220-222, 228 ; ii. 152 

Egypt, the land, i. 26, 30, 40, 145, 146, 
207 ; attacked by Perdiccas, 34, 35 ; 
Seleucus flees to E., 49 ; E. attacked by 
Antigonus, 58 ; invaded by Antiochus 
IV, ii. 137-141 ; second invasion, 142- 
145 ; Jewish villages in E., 165 ; the 
ancient kingdom, i. 4, 5, 8, 10 ; ii. 268, 
280 * ; under Persians, 243 ; the Ptole- 
maic kingdom, see Ptolemy, house qf; 
the natives under Macedonian rule, ii. 
30, 32, 144, 156 ; elephants brought to 
E. from Aethiopia, i. 186 ; E. market 
for Syrian wine, 216 ; Egyptian panthe- 
ism, 1. 260 ; Egyptian communities at 
Athens, iL 165 ; custom of kin-marriage, 
279 ; Ptolemaic throne claimed by sons 
of Antiochus X ; ii. 263, 264 

Ekrm, ii. 219 

Elaea, ii. 52, 91, 92, 97; attacked by 
Seleucus, 99 ; 100, 101. 102 ; Scipio ill 
there, 108 

Elaeus, ii. 95 

Elam, i. 27, 240, 244, 247 

Elatea, ii. 85, 86 

EUusa, battle of, ii. 203 

Kleazar, brother of Judas, ii. 184 

Efetisis (in Egypt), ii. 144 

Eleuthenia, ii. 47 

Eleuthenis, river, i. 208 ; ii. 219 

Elis, u. 75, 86, 87 

Elymais, Mymaenns, L 329 ; ii. 120, 160, 

Emisa, ii. 266 

Emmaus, ii. 178, 179, 204 

Enius, Parthian governor, ii. 243 

Eordaea, i. 40 

Ephesus, Demetrius flees to E. after Ipsus, 
i. 61 ; embassy of Nicagoras, 63 ' ; com- 
motion in E. after Corupedion, 72 ; 
Syrphax, tyrant of E., 89 5; temple of 
Artemis, 89,» 109, 158, 159, 175 ; action 
of Alexander at E., 104,' 105, 107 ; 
Ionian festival transferred to E., 110 ; 
E. captured by Antigonus, 111 ; in- 
timidated by Lysimachus and recaptured 
by Demetrius, 117 ; capture<l again by 
Lysimachus, 118 ; refounded by Lysi- 
machus as Arsinoea, 119; Gauls at E., 
139 *, take& v^ ^"^ vifiXAav) *^ ksi\^)^K!i^ 



I, 150*; under young Ptolemy, 174; 
royal residence under Antiochus II, 176, 
177 ; Antiochus dies there, 179 ; Arrhi- 
daeus honoured by E. , 162 ^ ; road to E., 
164, 165 ; seat of Laodice's government, 
181, 183,* 185 ; Sophron, governor of E., 
187 ; E. captured by Ptolemy III, 184, 
188, 196 ; Melancomas, ii. 8 ; K captured 
by Antiochus III, 44 ; 48, 62, 53, 55, 57, 
62, 63, 69 ; Antiochus returns to R firom 
Greece, 86 ; 89, 90, 92 ; fleet blockaded 
in E., 93, 94, 96 ; E. attacked, 97 ; 104, 
105 ; K surrenders to Rome, 111 ; 112, 
113; in realm of Eumenes, 117; Hera- 
clides preimres in E. for invading Syria, 

Epigenes (1), IHolemaic officer, i. 185 

— (2), Seleucid general, I 300-802, 306 
Bpiphanea (IX Uamath, ii. 152 

— (2), on the Euphrates, ii. 152. See 
EdxUana, Oeniandus 

EpiruSf i. 298 ; ii. 75 ; Epirot queen of 

Demetrius II, i. 236. See Pyrrhv.% 

Alexaiuier (7) 
Erasistratus^ physician of Seleucus I, i. 64, 

179 «; ii. 283 
Erecit, L 250, 251 
Eresusj i. 105.* 
Eretria, iL 67 
Eruiu, i. 238 
Erizoy i. 166, 177, 325 
ErotimtiSy kiug of the Nabataeans, ii. 257 
Erymanthus^ river, i. 271 ; ii. 23 
Enfthrae, i. 105,^ 108, 117, 139, 150,* 1.'59, 

161, 162, 176, 177, 326 ; ii. 93. 97 
Esagila, i. 249, 255 
Etazeta, queen of Bithynia, i. 173 
Euagevy satrap of Persis, i. 54 
EiiagoraSf satrap of Aria, i. 271 
Eubcea, island, ii. 75, 86 

— queen of Antiochus III, ii. 80, 86, 110 
Eudamtis (1), brother of Pithon, i. 42, 267 

— (2), commander in Inditi, i. 46, 294 

— (3), Rhodian admiral, ii. 97, 102, 103, 

Euemerus (Hiraerus), favourite of Phraates 

II, ii. 245 

EuiluSt satrap of Aria, i. 271 
EulaeuSt chief euuucli of Egypt, ii. 134-136 
— , river, i. 244, 247 
EumenecL, i. 267 

Eujnenes (1) of Cardia, i. 30, 83-35, 37, 
43-46, 93, 94, 96. 271 ; ii. 271 

— (2), brother of Philetaerus, L 134, 135, 

— (3) I of Pergamos, son of preceding, i. 
157, 172, 196 

— (4) II of Pergamos, his accession, ii. 47 ; 
refuses daughter of Antiochus, 60 ; 63, 
73, 74 ; his value to Rome as ally, 91 ; 
co-operates against Antiochas, 92, 93, 95, 
97 ; returns to Pergamos, 100, 101 ; fto«s 

to Hellespont, ib, ; rejoins Romans on 
Caicus, 108 ; at Magnesia, 110 ; gets 
indenmity. 111, 113 ; hit realm after 
Peace of Apamea, 116, 117 ; position and 
policy, 121, 122 ; war with Phamftces, 
123, 124 ; establishes Antiochus IV in 
Syria, 127 ; allied with AnUochus, ISS ; 
raises Alexander Balas against Demetrius. 

Euphorion^ the poet, iL 276 
Euphrates, river, L 8, 23, 26, 40, 53, 64. 

164, 208, 217-221, 234, 238-240, 248. 

253 ; Antiochus III on E. iL 17 
EupolemiLSf Jewish Hellenist, iL 166,^ 202 
Euripides, the poet, L 18, 232 
Euromus, ii. 83, 48 
Eur opus (1) in Macedonia. L 321 

— (2) on the Zeugma, L 220 

— (3) = Dura, on Euphrates, L 220 

— (4) in Media, i. 264 

Eurydice (1), wife of PhUip Airhidaeos, L 

— (2), daughter of Antipater, wife of 
Ptolemy I, L 118, 128^ 

Eurylochus, the Magnesian, iL 69 
Eurymedon, river, ii. 52, 102 
Euthydemus, king of Bactria, ii. 21-23 
Euty chides of Sicyon, sculptor, L 213 
Ezida, i. 255 

Fabius Labeo, Quintus, ii. 114 
Flaccus, Lucius, ii. 85 
Flamininus, Lucius Quinctius, iL 45 

— Titus Quinctius, iL 41, 46 ; re- 
ceives envoys of Antiochus III at the 
Isthmian games, 48 ; 52. 54, 55 ; answers 
envoys from the East in Rome, 58 ; his 
attempts to secure Greece, 66, 67, 73, 
74 ; his suboniinate Octavius, 82 ; inter- 
cedes for Aetolians, 87 ; ambassador to 
Seleucus IV, 124 

Oabiene, L 329 

Oabinius, Aulus, proconsul of Syria, iL 268 

Gadara, L 225. 317; iL 37, 162. See 
Meleager (3) 

OaUitians, Gauls, their coming to Asia, L 
135-144 ; afflict Cyzicus, 156 ; contribu- 
tions to G. war, 160 ; O. in Thrace, 176 ; 
G. wars of Attains. 196-198 ; Antiochus 
Hierax killed by Gauls, 203 ; G. in army 
of Ptolemy II, 146 3; of Mithridates I. 
1 54 ; of Ziaelas, 173 ; of Berenice, 182 ; of 
Antiochus Hierax, 193, 195 ; of Ario- 
barzanes and Mithridates II, 194 ; of 
Seleucus III, 205 ; of Ptolemy IV, 819 ; 
of Ziaelas, iL 2 ; of Attains 1, 4 ; Thracian 
G. enrolled by Antiochus III, 55 ; G. in 
army of Antiochus at Magnesia, 109 ; 
expedition of Manlius, 112, 117, 118; 
Gaulish mercenaries, 287 ; figure of 
«V«^Vvxai\ «aid G«nl^ 290 ' 



Galiiee, U. 228, 256 

GandarOy the, i. 274 

Oangea, river, i. 296 

Oangrd, i. 155 

Oariana, i. 274* 

OarsyeriSf general of Achaeus, ii. 3 

OaugaindOj battle of, i. 245 ; ii. 243 

Qaza, battle of, 52, 54 ; bouUsX G., 228> ; 
315, 317-319 ; its siege by Antiochus 
III, ii. 37 ; takeu by Jonathan, 228 ; 
coins of Demetrius II, 237 * 

Oazaca, i. 263 

Oazara, See Oezer 

Cheiuroj i. 80 

Otbal, See Byblos 

Oedronoy i. 262, 263, 272 

OenneuSf Antioohene magistrate, L 182 

OephHL8y i. 317 

Oerizim, temple on Mount. See Samaritans 
. Oerrha, I 305, 313 

Oezer (Gazara), ii. 179. 203, 232, 239, 
241, 256 

Oindarus, i. 219 

Oomphi, iL 79 

Oonniy ii. 80 

Oophna, ii. 184 

Oordium, I 77, 92 

Oorgias, Seleucid general, ii. 178, 179, 182 

QracchuSy Tiberius Sempronius, ii. 147, 
193, 196 

Qranicusy battle of, i. 108 

Greece, the land and people, i. 6 ; rising in 
G. after Alexander's death, 32 ; G. con- 
quered by Cassander, 50 ; by Demetrius, 
58 ; Antigonus abandons G., 59 ; De- 
metrius recovers G., 64 ; Demetrius in 
Central G., 65 ; invasion of G. by 
Xerxes, 88 ; conquest of G. by Philip 
and Alexander, 103 ; Antigonus Gonatas 
in Central G., 128,» 129, 132, 144 ; 
Gallic invasion, 136 ; Ptolemaic in- 
fluence in G., 146 ; Scopas raises mer- 
cenaries in G., ii. 30 ; affairs of G. 
settled after Cynos-cephalae, 46 ; G. 
evacuated by Romans, 55 ; movements 
in G. before invasion of Antiochus, 66, 
67 ; war of Antiochus in G., 69-87. 
See Acamantatu, Achaeans, etc. 

Oryjteum, i. 201 * 

OyrUm, ii. 79 

Hadrian, the Emperor, ii. 148, 268 

Hadrianu-therae, i. 167 ** 

Halicamassua, i. 86, 113, 146,^ 149; re- 
covers its liberty, ii. 42, 90 ; 98 

nalya, river, i. 79, 96, 141 

Hamadyon, commander of Royal Squadron, 
L 195 

HamaxUv^ i. 115 

Hannibalf flees to Antiochus, ii. 53 ; his 
plan of campaign, 56 ; his interview 
with Scipio, 59 ^ ; his action at the 

Seleucid court, 61, 62 ; mistrusted, 68, 
69 ; his advice for Greek campaign, 76, 
77 ; warns Antiochus, 88 ; sent to bring 
up Phoenician fleet, 94 ; commandis 
against Rhodians, 103 ; his extradition 
demanded. 111, 114 ; legend of his 
designing Artaxata, 119 ; his death, 124 ^ 

Ilaran, See Carrhae 

ffareias III, king of the Nabataeans, ii. 

Harmuza, i. 278 

Harpagu3, son of, (Lycian), L 84, 85 

Harpalus, chief treasurer of Alexander, i. 
246, 247 

Hastdim, the, ii. 169, 176, 199 

Hatnumaean house, the, ii. 175. See 
Judas, Jonathan, Simon, etc. 

HasoT, plain of, ii. 228 

Hecatompylus, i. 266 ; ii. 19 

Hegesianax of Alexandria Troas, iu 48, 49, 
282 » 

Hegesias of Lampsacus, iL 45, 46 

Heliodonis, minister of Seleucus IV, ii. 
125-127 283 

Heilespontl i. 117, 137, 141,» 167, 186 ; ii. 
4 ; Ptolemaic possessions assailed by 
Philip, ii. 32, 44 ; H. held by Antiochus, 
89, 97, 104 ; evacuated, 106 

Hephaestion, friend of Alexander, i 273, 

Hera (of Bambyce), i,e. Atargatis, ii. 156 

Heradea (1) on the Black Sea, raided by 
Bithynians, i. 99 ; H. under Dionysius 
and Amestris, 117 ; Lysimachus and H., 
119 ; Seleucus and U., 122, 123 ; con- 
tingent from H. in fleet of Ptolemy 
Keraunos, 129 ; Hermogenes and H., 
131 ; H. allieil with Nicomedes, 134, 
135 ; helps Byzantium against the 
Gauls, 137 ; among guardians of the 
children of Nicomeiies, 173 ; supports 
Byzantium against Antiochus II, 176; 
helps Mithridates II against the Gauls, 
194 ; attempts mediation between Rome 
and Antiochus III, ii. 107 ; threatened 
by Phamaces, 123 

— (2) on Latmus, i. 149 

— (3) in Pieria, i. 216 

— (4) near Beroea, i. 217 ; ii. 259 

— (5) in Media, i. 265 

— (6) in Greece, ii. 84, 85 
Heradeon of Beroea, ii. 258, 259 
Heracles (1), the god, i. 123, 139 ; ii. 275 ; 

Tyrian H. (Melkarth), ii. 133, 170, 
250. See Tfietnison 

— (2), son of Alexander, i. 29, 57 
Heradides (1), agent of Arsinoe, L 119, 122 

— (2) of Tarsus, L 231 

— (3) of Byzantium, ii. 107 

— (4) of Miletus, minister of Antiochus 
IV, ii. 132 ; in Rome, 135, 141 ; in 
Rome with Alexander Balas^ 209 ; v^« 



pare«i at Ephenns for invasion of Syria, 

Herachitlejt (5) Lembos, the historian, iL 141 * 
Hrraea, i. 222 « 
ffermaeuvif ii. 74 
Hermes, \, 139; ii. 276 
Hermias, prime minister of Seleucus 111 

and Antiochus III. i. 204, 301, 302, 

304, 306, 307, 309-311 
IlermofjencH (1) of Aspeudus, commander 

of Antiochus I, i. 131-133 

— (2), commander of Antiochus III, i. 312 
Ilermwtf river, i. 164, 167 ; ii. 93 
Jlerwhrus of Cius, merchant prince, ii. 67 
Herodotus^ the buffoon, i. 171 

Jlierax^ governor of Antioch, ii. 214, 220 
Hieronymus of Cardia, the liistorian, i. 39 
JIuTojwiis. See Bambyc^, Castabala 
I/inierus (Eueiuerus), favourite of Phraatcs 

II, ii. 246 
IlindA'Kush (Paropanisus), i. 24, 273 
IIipjK»io<jLuSy condotfiere, i. 317 
Ilippomachus of Erythrae, i. 176 
Hdmi, i. 166 
Ilidophemes ( = Orophemes), l)rother of 

Ariarathes I, i. 96 ' 
Hdizha, the, i. 23, 244 
Ilyddspes, river, i. 31, 292-294 
Hypata, ii. 83, 84 

UyperbasaSj general of Antiochus III, ii. 20 
JlyphasiHy river, i. 293 
Uyrcanm, i. 262, 266, 267, 281, 288; 

invasion of H. by Antiochus III, ii. 19, 

20 ; Demetrius II imprisoned there, 

234, 241, 242 
Ilyrcanian plain (in Lydia), ii. 108, 109 
nyrcanus (1) the Tobiad, u. 128 

— (2), John, son of Simon, commander of 
Jewish forces, ii. 232 ; defeats Cende- 
baeus, 239 ; becomes High-priest, 240 ; 
surrenders to Antiochus Sidetes, 241 ; 
accompanies Antiochus to the East, 242 ; 
his conquests, 249 ; takes Samaria, 266 ; 
his death, ib. 

lasiis, i. 88, 89, 112 ; ii. 43, 46 

feodum^ Antiochene magistrate, i. 182 

Ichthyophagi, the, i. 273 

Iconium, i. 165 

IdrUiiSy dynast of Caria, i. 86 ' 

Idumaea, .satrapy or liyparchy ? i. 326 ; cf. 

ii. 183; 297; the'ldumaeans, iL 179, 

182, 249, 264 
Ilion (Troy), i. 105,=' 108, 120, 130, 162,^ 

170, 177, 199 ; ii. 2, 34 ; Romans at I, 

108 ; temple of Athena, i. 42, 108, 109, 

120, 158, 159 ; ii. 69, 95 ; Polemon of 

I., see Polf:nion 
niyrians, the, i. 13, 23, 324; lllyrian 

mercenaries, 287 
ImbroSf the Island, ii. 69 
Imgur-Belf wall of Babylon, i. 248, 249 

Inachus, the mythical king of Ai^got, L 212 

Indoles^ Parthian general, ii. 243 

India, i. 292-299 ; 27 ; Indian campaign 
of Alexander, 31 ; Seleucus in- India, 59 ; 
Babylon and India, 239, 240, 242, 243, 
247 ; roads to I., 268, 273, 282, 283 ; 
Antiochus III invades I., ii 23 ; Indian 
elephants, i. 186, 818; IL 289, 290; 
Indian races W. of Indos, 272, 274; 
Indian hounds, i. 261 

Indus, river (1) in India, i. 247, 271, 292- 

— , river (2) in Asia Minor, i. 166 

/o, i. 209, 212 

lone (Aramaic name for Antioch), L 212 

Ionia, i. 52, 104,» 105,» 111, 118, 146, 
149, 176, 186, 261 ; ii. 44, 206, 296; 
the Ionian Body, i. 110, 150, 161, 177 

Ipsus, battle of, i. 59, 61. 75, 97, 117, 
118,* 169, 232, 236. 823 

Irdn, i. 258-291 ; 24, 25, 27 ; the name, 
268 ^ ; events there after death of 
Alexander, 40-49 ; its conquest by 
Seleucus, 64-57 ; Demetrius plans to 
invade it, 65 ; relation of Antiochus I to 
Iran, 74, 75 ; Ptolemy III invades I., 
186, 190 ; nearer provinces held by 
Seleucus III, 203 ; routes from I. to 
Mediterranean, 211 ; Seleucus II in I.. 
237 ; old I. influenced by Babylon, 240 ; 
Ininian nobility in Asia Minor, 89, 90 ; 
Persians seize hegemony of Iranian race, 
241 ; Iranian cavalry at Magnesia, iL 110, 
288 ; custom of kin • marriage among 
Persians {i,e. Iranians), 279. See also 

Irene, concubine of young Ptolemy, i. 175 

Iris, river, i. 80, 93, 96, 97 

Isaura, i. 92, 94 

Isis, ii. 276 

Isocrates (1), the Attic orator, t 85, 89, 
100, 123 

— (2), sophist, ii. 186, 196, 197 
Issus, bay of, i. 216 ; battle of, 219 
Isthmian games, the, ii. 34, 48 
ItabeUus, Persian noble, i. 90 
Iluraeans, the, ii. 256, 264 

Jamnia, ii. 182 

Junnaeus. See Alexander (12) 

Jason (1), the High-priest, ii. 168-172 

— (2), envoy of Judas, ii. 202 
Jaxartes, river, i. 262, 275, 277, 282, 283 
Jericho, ii. 204 

Jerusalem receives Antiochus III, ii. 37, 
163 ; its cai)ture of Ptolemy, i. 163 
converted into an Antioch, 168, 169 
rebels against Antiochus, 171 ; its pun 
ishment, 172 ; forcibly Hellcnized. 178 
men from J. as guides against Judas, 179 
J. recovered by the faithful, 181 ; cf. 298 
attacked and entered by Antiochus V, 



184, 185 ; first rule of Alcimus, 199- 
201; Hasmonaeans regain J., 202; 
Bacchides recovers J., 202, 203; Has- 
monaeans return, 216; siege of J. by 
Antiochus Sidetes, 240, 241 

Jt^D8^ the, pre-Maccabaean history, iL 162> 
168 ; their devastation of the sea-board, 
264. See Judas, Jonathan, Simon, etc. 

John (1), Jewish envoy, ii. 180 

— (2), the brother of Judas, ii. 203 

— (3), the son of Simon. See Hyroanus 
Jonathan, in the wilderness of Tekoah, ii. 

203 ; becomes de facto ruler of Judaea, 
215; High -priest, 216; strategos of 
Balas, 217 ; destroys army of ApoUonius, 
218 ; meets Ptolemy Philometer, 219 ; 
obtains concessions from Demetrius II, 
224 ; sends Jewish force to support 
Demetrius, 225 ; is active in cause of 
Antiochus VI, 228 ; made prisoner by 
Tryphon, 229 ; put to death, 230 
Joppa, ii. 134, 219 ; garrisoned by Simon, 
229; colonized with Jews, 230, 239, 
240 ; seized by Cyzicenus, 256 
Jordan, river, i. 207 ; ii. 203 
Josq>h, the Tobiad, ii. 296 
Joaiah, king of Judah, i. 8 ; ii. 232 
Judaea, conquered by Antiochus III, ii. 32 ; 
for later history see Jvda^ Maccabatua, 
etc. ; J. eparchy (?) of Coele-Syria, 297 
Judas (1) Maccabaeus, first successes, ii. 
176 ; defeats Nicanor and Gorgias, 178, 
179 ; engagements with Lysiai^ 180 ; 
"Neighbour Wars," 183; repnked at 
Beth - Zachariah, 184; King's strategos 
in Jerusalem, ib. ; expelled by Bacchides, 
200 ; escapes from Nicanor, 201 ; battle 
of Adasa, 202 ; battle of Eleasa, death of 
J., 203 ; his dealings with Rome, 800 

— (2), son of Simon, ii. 239 

Jupiter Capitolinns, temple of, at Antioch, 
U. 149, 150 

Kabul, river (Cophen), i. 278, 274 ; ii. 23 

Kadesh, lake of, L 216 

Kai-Khosru, mythical Iranian king, i. 263 

KaUinikon, i. 190,« 220 

Khaibar Pass, the, i. 273, 292 

Kissioi, the, i. 244 

Kurds, the, L 41, 264 ; in army of Molon, 

388 ; ii. 287 
Kybiosaktes, U. 268 

Labus, Pass of, ii. 20 
Lagoras (1), Cretan in Ptolemaic service, i. 

— (2), Cretan in Seleucid service, ii 5, 6 
Lagus, father of Ptolemy I, i. 30 
Lamia, ii 70, 74, 83, 84 ; L. war, i. 32 
Lampsacus, i 117, 199 ; ii 2, 44 ; sends 

embassy to Rome, 45, 46; 50, 51, 68, 68, 
90, 107 


Lamus, river, i 148 

Laodice (1), mother of Seleucus I, i 215 ; 
u. 275 

— (2), daughter of Antiochus I, wife of 
Antiochus II, i 158, 162,» 169, 177, 
179, 180 ; war of L. 181-192 ; 193, 201 ; 
end of L., 328 

— (3), daughter of Achaeus, wife of Seleu- 
cus II, i 199, 203 

— (4), daughter of Mithridatee II, wife of 
Achaeus, i 201, 327 ; ii 1, 11-13 

— (5), daughter of Mithridates II, wife of 
Antiochus HI, i 303, 309 

— (6), daughter of Antiochus III, ii 52, 

— (7), daughter of Seleucus IV, ii. 124 

— (8), wife of Antiochus IV, ii 136' 

— (9), daughter of Antiochus IV, mother 
of Mithridates Eupator, ii. 209 

— (10), wife of Demetrius I (?), ii 214, 303 

— (11), daughter of Antiochus Grypos, 
wife of Mithridates of Commagene, ii 

— (12), queen of the Sameni, ii 263 ^ 
Laodicea (1) on the sea, i 208, 215, 216 ; 

its Artemis, 226 ; mercantile association 
at Delos, ii. 125 ; strikes money, 152 ; 
Octavius murdered there, 186 ; Deme- 
trius II resides there, 228 ; federation of 
adetphoi demoi, 252 * ; 268, 277 
— - (2) on Lebanon, i 216, 229 

— (3) Katakekaimieno, i 164, 168 

— (4) on the Lycus, i 164, 166, 311 

— (5) in Sittacene, i 255 
^ (6) in Media, i. 265 

— (7) in Persis, i 265 

— (8), name of Berytus {q.v. ) 
Laranda, i 92, 94 

Larisaa (1) in Thessaly, ii 78-83 

— (2) in the Troad, i 115 

— (3) in Syria, i. 215, 224 ; ii 226, 288 
Lasthenes the Cretan, ii. 218, 222, 282 <^ 
Latmian Bay, i 150 

Lebanon, i 146, 207, 216 

Lebedus, I 114, 119, 150* 

Lemnos, i 112, 118, 130 

Lenaeus, minister of Ptolemy Philometor, 

ii 134-136 
LenttUus, Publius, ii. 49 
Leonnorius, Gallic chieftain, i 186, 137, 

139, 142 
Leontius, commander of Ptolemaic garrison, 

Leptines, murderer of Octavius, ii. 186, 

196, 197 
Lesbos, ii 29.' See MUylene 
Leucas, ii 81, 82 
Libyan desert, the, i 26 
Limnaeuvi, ii 82 
Limyra, ii 42 
Limyrus, river, i 83 
, Lissa, i 149 > 



Ltldnl. AI-. river, i. -m 

Livitu, Gttiud, ii. 89 ; hia uaval ojieratioiui 
iD Aegcui. 91-97 1 subordinate of Aemi- 
lius, 66 ; envof to Pru^iaa, 104 

LogbatU of ScIgB. 1. 201 ; ii. 3 

Lorymi, ii. 99 

Luareliiu, Spnrius, ii. 186 

Lvaillia. Lncltu, a 26S 

L>Uari\u, Gallic chiefUin, i. 136, 137, 142 

Lycaoniaia, the, i. 83, 311 

Lyaa. L 13. 77 ; L. before Aletindw, 83- 
87 : Ptolemuc iaRuenco in L., HB, 149, 
184 : Ifil, 1S7 ; yields to Autlochus III, 
ii. 42 ; attempt of RoiuauB od K, 98, 
99; L. givea to Rhodes, 116 j Lyciui 

Lyeortai the Aehiean, ii. 143 
Lycii\ general of Ljsimachtis, L WS 
— , river (1) in Lydii, i. 167,* 168 
■, river (2) in Phrygii. i. 86, 164, 166. 


D Aseyria, i. 807'; ii. 243 

— , riTer(4)iu8)Tia.i. 31B 

Lyida. ii. 224 

Lydia, Clitna, satrap of L., i. 43, 111 ; 
Demetrius iu U, 65 ; 77. 87 ; Alexander 
»n.t L., 01 ' ; lis, 161. 188. 325 ; bstlle 
between Selencua 11 sod Uierai in 1., 
193 ; battles between Bierax and AtUlns 
in U 202 ; ii. 32 ; last Seleucid satrap. 
Ill ; Ljdian javolijieers, 287 

Lyptdmm, mouutain, 132 

Lytiaa (1), anibaaaador of Antiochus lit. 
ii. 48, 49 

— (2X regent for Anliochns V, ii. 158, 

—.town iu Syria, i. 210 

Lytimachia, i. 73. 74. 120 ; aeiied by 
Gauls. 137; held by Philip, iL 32; 
deilroysd by Thrnciana and restored by 
AutiochuB III. 40 ; conference of L. EiO. 
61; 87; made depflt, 80; 100; aban- 
doned by Antiochus, 106 

Z,jitiRuuAui,9atrapafTbrace,i. 30; 31,34; 
allied with Cassaiider and Ptolemy against 
Autigonus, Gl ; adopts style of king, 57 ; 
atlAcks Antigonus in Aaia, 50, 60 ; 61. 
62 ; divides Macedonia with Pyirhns, 
65 : 66, 67, 69 ; receiTes Ptolemy Ker- 
rupedion, 71, 72 ; L. and 

L. and Qreek citiea of Asia, HO- 
receives divine hononrs. 126 ; his 
1^8,' 144; K and I'hileUerus, 
'■ Ptolemy the son of Lysimachua," 
his grand-danghter (!) Berauice, 17 
Lyiipput, the sculptor, L 213 

ilabcg. See BajBhyct 
ilacartne. 3ee Mtkrin 
Macedonia, under Pb\l\p H, i- ■i.1-\^-, 
caTalry snd infftnttj, M ■, vmier kaU- 

pal«r. 33. 38; under Polypercbo 
conquered by Caas&nder. 50. &'. 
Macedonian kingship, 67 ; the c 


and loaea U., 65 ; M. aader Lyaiii 
89 ; Seleucus intends to make 
special kingdom. 72 ; Clitns fleea 
111 i M. seized by Ptolemy Ke 
128, 129, 132; Oftllic invasion 
Antigonus Gonataa conqnen IL 
145 ; relations of AntiochnB ] 
AntJgODid kingdom, 145 ; Antioc 
and M.. 173 ; Demetrias tbe Fa; 
to Cyrene. 178 ; AutigtiQus Domii 
Stratonice leaves H., 236 ; R 
traverse M.. 100 ; Macedonian volt 
at Magnesia, 109 ; M. extinguia 
independent state, 141 ; polltici 
stitution of old Mac«doni>, 270 ; ni 
dress. 274 ; the paasioD for huDtiDf 
cnstom of Kings giving costly d 
280 ; Duslom of bringing np child 
the court, £83 

Jfocrcnus, the, i. 79 ' 

Madytia, ii. 48 

Magadala, Armenian governor of Sj 

Magat, ruler of Cyrane, i. 146, li; 
178, 299' 

Magnaia (I) on Sipylus, 188.' 188. 
ii. 93. 96 : batUe of. iL 108-110 
290; BUrTeiidersloRome,IlI, 117 

— {2) on the Meander, L 160. 165, 
190, 280; ii. 33, 47. Ill,' 117 

Maynaiant, tbe (of Qreece), ii 69 

Mago, brother of HannibsJ, ii. 61 

MaUia-M, city of the, i. 42 

Mallue, i. 230-232 ; ii. 29.1 39^1 132 

Ualutiut of nion. i. 162 ' 

Manliui. Qnaens, a 112-114. 117 

— , Ludus, iL 114 

Maracaruia, I. 276 

Marathat, i. 229; ii. 217 

Jfarciiu, Quintus, ii. 13G, 143 

Manii, the, i. 267 

Margiana. L 2"" 

i. 269 

lluToata (1) iu Thrace, ii. 33, 100 

— (2) in Syria, u 218 
Martyat, river, i. 139, 164, 168 

— (Massyas), valley, L 208, 216. 30! 
Maainiisa, king of N'umidia, ii. 81 
Maapha, ii. 183 

Mauaiialwe, L 329 
Mastalia, ii. 45, 48 
Maliatkiah, father of Judis, iL 175 
MaussMiu, dynast of Caria, L 86. V, 
MaxMa, river, i. 273 
VHoinhdo, 1.226 



Meander y river, i. 164 

MeaxL, ii. 24 

Medeba, ii. 249 

Medeoriy ii. 81 

Media, the country, i. 41, 262-265 ; old 
Median kingdom, 4, 239, 259, 261, 266 « ; 
satrapy of Pithon, 30, 32, 37, 41, 42 ; 
Antigonus in Media, 46, 47 ; Nicanor, 
satrap of M., 54 ; M. couqaered by 
Seleucus, 56 ; Antiochus in M. as viceroy, 
70 ; revolt in M., 290 ; Molon, satrap ojf 
M., 301 ; M. given to Diogenes, 309 ; 
Antiochas III in M., ii. 17, 18 ; partly 
conquered by Parthians, 158 ; question 
of its further conquest by the Parthians, 
234 ; cf. 301 ; Antiochus VII in Media, 
243, 244 ; Medes in Seleucid army, 
287 ; the " Median " wall, i. 248, 252 

Medinahj ii. 24 

Megalopolis, ii. 149. See PhUip (9), 
Ptolemy (4) 

Megara (in Syria), i. 215 

Megoflrsusy i. 232 

MegaatheneSy ambassador to India, i. 271, 
282, 297 

Megiatej island, ii. 102, 111 

Megiatusj river, it 4 

MehrAn, i. 272, 273 

Melanconuu, ageut of Achaeus, ii. 8-10 

Meleager (1), son of Ptolemy I, i. 128 * 

— (2), Seleucid governor, i. 152 ** 

— (8) of Gadara, poet, i. 225.^ 228 

— (4), ambassador of Antiochus IV to 
Rome, ii. 135, 141 

— (5), Mend of Demetrius, ii. 191 
Meleagru-charax, i. 216 
Melesander, Athenian commander, i. 85 
MeliteMy iL 158 

Memphisy i. 3, 314 ; ii. 137, 138, 141, 144 
MenaSy the son of Bioeris, Bithynian, i. 323 
Menelaus (1), brother of Ptolemy I, i. 52 

— (2), the Jew, ii. 170-173, 180, 181, 185 
MenestheuSy Mend of Demetrius, ii. 191 
Menipjmsy courtier of Antiochus III, in 

Rome, ii. 67,' 58, 59 ; as envoy in Greece, 
66, 67 ; as commander, 74, 79 ; monu- 
ment put up by him in Delos, 270 

Menneouty petty dynast in S3rria, i. 317 

MenochareSy ambassador of Demetrius I, ii. 

MenyUus of Alabanda, ambassador of 
Ptolemy Philometor, ii. 190-192 

Mermnad dynasty, the, i. 77 

Meromy Sea of, ii. 228 

Mesembriay i. 127 * 

Mesene ("Red Sea" province), i. 252, 304, 
305, 309 ; iL 159 

Meshechy i. 78 

MesopotamiOj i. 219-222 ; Amphimachus, 
satrap of M., 44 ; Antigonus in M., 45 ; 
Amphimachus replaced by Blitor, 47 ; 
Seleucus in M., 53 ; DemetriuB traverses 

M., 55 ; M. invaded by Hierax, 202 ; M. 
under Mazaeus, 245 ; how divided from 
Babylonia, 252 ; invaded by Molon, 305 ; 
traversed by Antiochus III, 307 ; held 
for Demetrius II, ii. 228, 233 ; conquered 
by Tigranes from the Parthians, 261,^ 
cf. 262 

Methane (in Persis), i. 265 

Metrodorus of Amphipolis, physician of 
Antiochus I, i. 170 

Metropolis (1) in Thessaly, ii. 79, 83 

— (2) in Phrygia, i. 165 
MichmaSy ii. 215 

MicythioTiy magistrate of Chalcis, ii. 74, 75 

MiezOy L 42 

Milesiusy commander of Antiochus XII at 
Damascus, ii. 261, 262 

Miletusy L 150* ; garrison of Asander ex- 
pelled, 112 ; Demetrius at M., 118 ; 
relations of Seleucus with M., 121 ; M. 
and the Gauls, 139 ; M. won by Ptolemy, 
149; M. and Priene, 162 B; M. under 
Timarchua, liberated by Antiochus II, 
174 ; M. loyal to Seleucus II, 183 ; won 
by Philip, iL 83 ; welcomes Romans, 98 ; 
128, 138. See Branchidaey DemodaviaSy 
Ileraclides (4), Tinuvrehus (1) 

MiUiadesy the Athenian, i. 7 

MUyaSy i. 83, 92, 93 ; ii. 4 

Mimasy promontory, i. 108 

MinniOy Friend of Antiochus III, ii. 62, 109 

MithrapalaSy Lycian, L 85 

MithridcUes (1), son of Ariobarzanes, the 
satrap of Hellespontine Phrygia, L 90, 
96, 153 

— (2) I of Pontic Cappadocia ("the 
Founder"), conquers Paphlagonia and 
valley of the Iris, 96 ; allied with 
Heraclea, 123 ; assumes name of king, 
153 ; employs Gallic mercenaries, 154 ; 
date of his death, 172, 193 

— (8) II, L 194, 201, 303, 327 ; U. 122 

— Ill Euergetes, ii. 210^ 

— (4) IV (Eupator), IL 262, 265-267, 295 

— (5), nephew of Antiochus III, iL 16 

— (6), son of Antiochus III, perhaps 
identical with preceding, iL 39, 295 

— (7), satrap of Lesser Armenia, ii. 123 

— (8). See Afiarathes V 

— (9) I of Parthia. See Arsaces VI 

— (10) II of Parthia. See Arsaces VIII 

— (11), Parthian satrap, iL 261 

— (12) Kallinikos, of Commagene, ii. 258 
MithrobuzaneSy claimant to the throne of 

Sopheno, iL 195 
MUyleney L 103,* 106 ; ii. 91, 101 
Mizpehy u. 176 

MnasilochuSy Acarnanian notable, ii. 81 
Modiriy iL 175, 230 
Molotiy satrap of Media, L 301-309 ; ii. 

290 » 
Moon-godf the (Men)^ L 165 



Mopsu-hestia, i. 231 ; ii. 151, 260 

MopmSf the mythical hero, i. 230 

MorziaSy Paphlagonian dynaHt, i. 155 

Mosehif the, i. 78 

Mossymeci, the, i. 79* 

MusaevLSf herald of Antiochus III, ii. Ill, 

Mycale, i 110 
Mygdon^ river, i. 222 
Mygdonia (in Mesopotamia), i. 222 
MyiscuSf depharUarchoSf ii. 284 
Mylasa, i. 86, 89 ; iL 43, 98 
Myndus, i. 113 ; iL 42, 90, 98 
AfyonnesuSt promontory, ii. 105 
Myra^ ii. 42 
MyruSy river, L 83 
Mytians, the, i. 77, 87, 323; u. 287; 

M. guard of Antiochus IV, ii. 175, 287* ; 

Mmtu^v iraroiirtai, ii. 4 ' 
My stay concubine of Seleucus II, i. 195 
MyyLSy i. 150«; u. 33 

NaJbattieanty the. See Arabs 

NabiSy tyrant of Sparta, ii. 56, 66, 67 

NabopoLassaTy king of Babylon, i. 239 

Nanday Indian king, i. 295 

NapleSy ii. 62 

Naucratisy ii. 139 

NaupactitSy iL 87, 89 

Neandria, i. 115 

NearchuSy Macedonian chief, L 243, 273, 

NebOj temple of, i. 255 
iVelntchadnezzary i. 38, 239, 247 
Nehemiahy iL 162, 167 
NemeseSy temple of the, i. 1 1 6 
NeolatLSy brother of Molon, i. 308 
Aesiotaiy Federation of the, (the Cyclades), 

L113,M46, 184; iL 29,M2 
Nestor of Tarsus, philosopher, L 281 
Nicaeay daughter of Antipater, wife of 

Lysimachus, i. 120 
— , city in Asia Minor, i. 120, 155 
yicagoras of Rhodes, ambassador of 

Demetrius Poliorcetes, L 63,''' 118 
Nicandety pirate-captain, ii. 97' 
NicanoT (1), satrap of Media, i. 54-56 

— (2), murderer of Seleucus HI, i. 205, 300 

— (3), commander of expedition against 
the Jews, iL 178, 179 

— (4), friend of Demetrius I, ii. 192 

— (5), general of Demetrius, identical with 
one of the two preceding (?), 200-202 

NicarchuSy captain in sen'ice of Antiochus 

III, i. 315-317 
Nicatareum, the, i. 210 
NicatoriSy i. 220 
Nicephan'um, i. 220, 221 
NiuiaSy a Jew, ii. 170* 
NieiaSy kinsman of Menneas, L 317 
Nicolaus (1), Aetolian CimdottUre in 8e^^'ice 
of Ptolemy, I 313-816 

Nicolaus (2), Aetolian captain in aefrice of 
Antiochus III, ii. 19 

NicQwachuSy agent of Achaeos, ii. 8-10 

NicofMdes (1)1. king of Bithynia, L 134, 
137. 155, 156, 173 

— (2) of Cos, captain in service of Anti- 
ochus III, iL 19 

Nicapolis, L 219 

Nile, river, L 8, 35, 179 

NimiUi'Bely wall of Babylon, I 248 

Nineveh, L 4, 221,* 239 

Nisoy i. 266 

Nisaean horses, iL 1 46 

Nisibis (Antioch in Mygdonia), L 221, 
222, 807 ; ii. 152 

Naroy L 43 

Notium, iL 104 

Numantia^ ii. 241 

NwrneniuSy satrap of Meaene, ii. 159, 160 

Numiditiy iL 82 

Numisius, Titus, ambassador to Antiochus 
IV, iL 141 

Oborzus, Persian captain in Selencid (?) 
service, i. 291 

Octamus (1), lieutenant of Flamininua, ii. 

— Gnaeus (2), ambassador, 186, 187 

Oeniandus (Epiphanea), ii. 151 

OencparaSy river, ii. 221 

OetOf mountain, i. 136 ; iL 84 

OlgassySy mountain, L 96 

Olympiay i. 155 ; iL 149, 150 ; O. Games, 
L 107 

OiympiaSy mother of Alexander, L 33, 43, 

OmaneSy Persian captain in Seleudd 
service, i. 291 

Oniasy the Jewish High-priest, ii. 168, 171 

Orestesy L 209 

Orestisy L 29 

Oricusy i. 308 

OrUae, the, i. 272, 273 

Onxtesy satrap of Lydia, i. 90 

Oro7itesy Armenian king, ii. 118 

— , river, L 36,* 203. 207-217 ; u, 260 

Orantobates the Mede, satrap of Media, L 54 

OrophemeSy ii. 157 ; instated as king by 
Demetrius, 205 ; bis rule. 206 ; attempts 
to have Ariarathes assassinated. 207 ; ex- 
pelled, 208 ; conspires at Antioch, 209 

Oroptis. See Europus 

Orrhoe. See Edessa, 

Orthosiay i. 190, 236 ; iL 238 

Ortospafuiy i. 273 

Ostioy iL 190, 192 

Othrysy mountain, ii. 88, 84 

Otysy i. 80 

OxathreSy tyrant of fleraclea, i. 119 

Oxusy river. L 262. 275 

Oxyartes, Iranian noble, father of Roxaoe, 
\. ^1,174, 275. 293* 



Pactye, i 71 

Pakht^n, the, i. 271 

PaUatine. See Ccde-Syria 

Pallas Itonia, ii. 75 

Palmyra, I 55,« 228 

Pamir, the, L 24, 277 

PamphilidaSf Rhodian captain, ii. 102 

Pamphylia, i. 83 ; Ptolemaic mflaence in 
P., 148 ; 152,1 157 . p recaptured by 
Ptolemy III, 179, 186 ; conquered by 
Achaeus, ii. 4, 42 ; question of its cession 
byAntiochu8,112, 113 ; given to Eumenes, 
117 ; 196 ; Pamphylian peltasts, 286 

Panaetius, Stoic philosopher, ii. 188 

PanaetfduSf condottiere, i. 313 ; ii. 21 

Paniorif battle of the, ii. 37 

Panionion, the, i. 110 

Panormus, ii. 96 

Paphlagonia, i. 79-81 ; P. and Alexander, 
92 ; satrapy of Eumenes, 93 ; Mithri- 
dates in P., 96 ; 141 » ; Morzias, 155 

Paradisus, i. 35 ^ 

Parapotamia, i. 252, 305 ; ii. 300 

Parikanioi, the, i. 272 

Parium, i. 117 

ParmeniOf envoy of Lampsacus, ii. 61 

Pami, the, i. 284 

Paropantsidae, i. 262, 274 

Paropanisus. See Hind^-Ktish 

Paroreia, I 164, 165 

Parlhenius, river, i. 79 

Parth^noTif the, i. 10 

Parthia, i. 42, 262, 266, 267, 284-289. 
See Arsacfs 

Pasargadajt. i. 42 

PasUiffriSf river, L 47 

Pataliputra, i. 296, 297 

Patara, i. 148, 149 ; ii. 42, 52 ; assaulted 
by Romans, 98, 99 ; 102, 111 

Pairodes, Friend of Seleucus I, i. 65, 66, 
131, 132,1 133, 281-283, 324 

Paurava king, the. See Poms 

PattsistratuSy Rhodian admiral, ii. 03, 95, 96 

Pedasa, ii 33, 43 

Pedndissus, ii. 3 

Pegacy ii. 256 

PeUcaSy ii. 4 * 

Pella (1) in MacedonU, i. 246, 321 ; 
Archon of P., see Arc?ion 

— (2) in N. Syria, i. 214 

— (3) in Decapolis, i. 317 
Pellinaeumy ii. 79, 82 

Pelusium, i. 314, 318 ; ii. 136 ; taken by 

Antiochus IV, 137 ; garrisoned. 140 ; 

its cession demanded, 143 ; 248 
PeneuSy river, ii. 79 
Perdiccasy prince of Orestis, Regent of the 

Empire, i. 28-39, 41, 93, 94, 130, 322 ; 

ii. 271 
Perga, i. 93, 113 
Pergavwsy I 90, 130, 200 ; iL 1 ; P. assailed 

by Philip, 32 ; by Antiochus and Seleu- 

cus, 99-101 ; Pergamene contingent at 
Magnesia, 109. See Philetaerusj AtUUus 
(3) and (4), JSumenes (3) and (4) 

Pericles, Lycian king, i. 84-86 

Perigenes, L 815 

PerirUhus (1) in Thrace, IL 32 

— (2) in Syria ?, i. 222 « 

Perrhadna, ii. 79, 82 

Persepolis, I 42, 241 

Perseus, king of Macedonia, ii. 121, 124, 
133, 135 ; appeals to Antiochus IV, 141 ; 
his final defeat, 144 

Persian Empire, the, absorbs preceding em- 
pires, L 4, 77 ; employs Greek mercen- 
aries and pays the Greek states, 12 ; 
limitations of Persian rule, 23 ; its rela- 
tions with the native races of Asia Minor, 
78-87 ; with the Asiatic Greeks, 87-89 ; 
the provincial nobility, 89, 90 ; Mithri- 
dates of Cius, 96 ; the Peace of Antalcidas, 
101 ; the tribute of Aspendus, 105 ; 
Clazomenae removed to an island, 107 ; 
diminution of the Ionian Body, 110 ; 
relic of Persian Empire left at Heraclea, 
117 ; custom of granting cities to indi- 
viduals, 119 ; image of Apollo carried off 
from Branchidae, 121 ; Sardis the seat 
of government for Asia Minor, 151 
Cilicia during Persian Empire, 230 
Babylon under the Persians, 241-244 
custom of kings giving costly dresses, 
280 ; of bringing up children at the 
court, 283. See also Achaemenes, house 

Persians, the, in time of Cyrus, i. 12, 241, 
260 ; typical Persian nobleman, 259 ; 
Alexander wishes to fuse the Persian and 
Macedonian aristocracies, 42; Persian 
bowmen in Seleucid army, it 287 ; 
Artemis Persike, L 226. See also Jrdn- 

Persian dynasties in Asia Minor. See 
Mithridaies, Ariarathes 

Persis, i. 42, 47, 54, 55, 262, 265, 291, 301, 
308 ; ii. 47 ; separate principidity, 158, 
159 ; Antiochus IV dies there, 161 ; 
dynasty in Persis allied with Demetrius 
II, 234 

Petra, iL 24 

Peucestas, satrap of Persis, i. 42, 47, 265 

Phanias, Seleucid official, it 277 

Pharaoh- Necho, i. 8 

Phamabaxus, satrap of Hellespontine 
Phrygia, i. 82, 90 

Phamaces I, king of Pontic Cappadocia, iL 

Pharsalus, iL 79, 83 

Phasdis, L 92, 113 ; iL 102, 103 

Phasis, river, i. 82 

Pherae, iL 78, 83 

PherecUs, governor of ^Mirchy in Bactria (?), 



PhidiaSy the sculptor, ii. 150 
Phiia (1), daughter of Anti pater, v'ife of 
Demetrius Poliorcetcs, i. 62, 63,128,^ 144 

— (2), daughter of Seleucus I and Straton- 
ice, wife of Antigonus Gonatas, i. 145, 

PhUetaeria, i. 167 

Philetcterus (1), the eunuch, i. 130, 131, 
156, 157 

— (2), the son of Attains I, ii. 47 
PhUip (1) II of Macedonia, i. 13, 14, 29, 

30, 33, 64, 103, 123 

— (2) III (Arrhidaeus), i. 29, 33-37, 50 

— (3) IV, son of Cassander, i. 64 

— (4) V, son of Demetrius, succeeds his 
father as infant, i. 205 ; his attack on 
Ptolemaic Empire in alliance with Antio- 
chus ni, ii. 30-33 ; at war with Rome, 
34 f. ; his defeat, 40 ; solicited by the 
Aetolians, 56 ; desires Seleucid alliance, 
63 ; question of alliance, 77 ; co-operates 
with Romans against Antiochus, 79-83 ; 
facilitates passage of Romans through 
Macedonia and Thrace, 100 ; his death, 

— (5), son of Antipater, i. 128 ' 

— (6), son of Lysimachus, ib. 

— (7), satrap of Parthia, i. 42, 267, 277 

— (8), satrap in India, i. 293, 294 

— (9), of Megalopolis, ii 75, 76, 78, 82 

— (10), the depJiarUarchoSy ii. 109 ; foster- 
brother of Antiochus III, 283 

— (11), cifVTpo4>oi of Antiochus IV, iL 184, 
185 283 

— (12) I PhUadelphus, of the Seleucid 
line, wars against Antiochus X, ii. 260 ; 
quarrels with Demetrius III, 261 ; at- 
tempts to seize Damascus, 262 ; disap- 
pears from history, 263 

— (13) II, ii. 266-268 
Philomclium^ i. 165 

Philonides, Epicurean philosopher, ii. 276, 

Philoposmeny ii. 101 

Philotena, i. 316 

Phocaea, i. 150^; ii. 2, 4, 92, 93 ; taken 
by Seleucus, 96 ; attacked by Romans, 
101 ; surrenders to Romans, 106 

Phcdms of Antioch, i. 225 

PhamicMf before Alexander's death, i. 228, 
229 ; Eumenes in P. 43); Ptolemaic in- 
fluence in P., 184, 235 ; Seleucid power 
in P. before Antiochus III, 190, 236; 
Hellenism in P. 229, 230 ; partially dis- 
affected to Antiochus III, ii. 10 ; Phoeni- 
cian fleet of Antiochus, 94 ; fleet defeated 
by Rhodians, 102, 103 ; government of 
P., 163, 297 ; P. communities at Athens, 
165 ; P. held by Cyzicenus, 255 ; ravaged 
by Ituraeans, 264 ; conquered by Tigranes, 
266. See AraduSy Ti^e, Sidoth TripoliSy 
ByUoSy BeryiuSy etc. 

Phoenix of Colophon, L 119 

PhradcLy L 270 

PhriapcUius, BeeArsacesIV 

PhrygiOy 1. 151 ; satrapy of Antigonus, 83, 
37, 38 ; operations in war between Sdea- 
cus and Lysimachus, 71 ; aflBnitiei of 
Phrygians, 77 ; Persian rule efTectiTe in 
P., 87 ; P. under Macedonian rule, 91 
part of P. occupied by Gauls, 141 
Seleucid satrap of P. (?), 151, 177 
Apamea, capital of P., 164 ; Phrygian cntt 
at Antioch in PLsidia, 165 ; P. ceded to 
Mithridates (?), 194 ; Hieraz in P., 195 ; 
Seleucus III murdered in P., 205 ; as- 
signment of P. after Ipsus, 323; •?. 
under satrap of Lydia, 325 ; Antiochiu 
III in P., it 93 

Phrygia (Uellespontine), L 151 ; satrapy 
of Arrhidaeus, 37, 43, 110 ; satrap of P. 
under the Persians, 82 ; family of Phar- 
nabazus, 90 ; Galas satrap, 92 ; P. occu- 
pied by Antigonus, 111 ; Aphrodiaius in 
P., 122; battle between Attalua and 
Hierax in P., 198 

Phrygiusy river, i. 328 ; ii. 108, 109 

PhyscuSy river (in Caria), i. 166 

Pieria (in Syria), i. 208, 210, 216 

Piraeusy ii. 73, 86, 89 

PisidianSy the, i. 88 ; chastised by Alex- 
ander, 23, 92 ; adherents of Perdiccas 
among P., 38, 95; P. under Alexander, 
93 ; Perdiccas b^ns to subjugate P., 
94 ; Seleucid colonies planted to control 
the P., 165, 166 ; Hierax and P^ 201 ; 
attacked by Achaeus, 311 ; partially 
subjugated by Achaeus, ii. 3 ; attacked 
by Antiochus III, 57, 62 ; by Manilas, 
118 ; Pisidian peltasts, 286 

Pisistratusy tyrant of Athens, ii. 148 

Pissuriy the,i. 284 » 

Pitane^ i. 156, 158 

Pithon (1), son of Crateuas, satrap of 
Media, i. 30, 32, 35-87, 40-44, 46, 47 

— (2), son of Agenor, i. 54, 293, 294 
Platanus (1), i. 216 

— (2), on the coast, i. 315, 316 
PlatOy i. 9, 153» 

PlistarchiiSy brother of Cassander, i. 61-63, 

PoleinaeuSy general of Antigonus, L 95 
Polenion of Ilion, i. 200 
PolybiuSy the historian, supports Ptolemy's 

application for troops, ii. 148 ; his 

intercourse with Demetrius in Rome, 

Poh/perchony Macedonian chief, i. 4S, 50, 

57, 58 
Polyteliay i. 222 « 
PolytimettiSy river, L 276 
Pdyxtmdas of Rhodes, iL 19, 74, 77 ; 

patrols islands, 89 ; fights off Cissos, 92, 

^^ \ ^T^V^^c^ ^'^^ fleets 94 ; destroys 



Rhodian fleet, 95 ; blockaded in 

Bphesus, 97 ; attacks Notium, 104 ; 

defeated off Corycus, 105 ; flees to 

Syria, 111 
Pompey, ii. 267 
PopUlius Laenes, Gaius, ambassador to 

Antiochus IV, ii. 144, 145 
Porphyreon, L 315 
Porus (Paurava), Indian king, L 81, 292- 

Posidium, i. 185 
Potidon Tropaios, ii. 235 
Posidonius of Apamea, i. 224 
Praxiteles, the sculptor, L 155* 
PrtpelauSf general of Lysimachus, i. 116, 

Priene, 150,* 89,» 106, 118, 126,* 159 ; 

w&r with Magnesia, enslaved by Antiochus 

1, 160 ; quarrel with Samos, 162, 175,* 

189*; 162 » 
Prinassus, ii. 33 
Prinntj ii. 101 
Proerta^ ii 83 
Prophthanct, i. 270 
ProtarchuSf Greek merchant in Egyjrt, ii. 

PrusiAs I, King of Bithynia, ii. 2, 15, 59 ; 

deserts Antiochus, 104 

— II, ii 123, 124 « 
PUUum, ii. 69 

PtoUmals (1), in Pamphylia, i 148 

— (2) = Ace, in Syria, delivered to 
Antiochus III, i. 313 ; 816, 317 ; called 
Antioch, ii. 152, 330 ; seat of Alex- 
ander Balas, 210, 212, 213, 219 ; 
Demetrius II at P., 224 ; Tryphon 
seizes Jonathan there, 229 ; attacked by 
Sarpedon, 235 ; Tryphon takes refuge 
there, 238 ; retained by Demetrius II, 
249 ; Cleopatra refuses to admit 
Demetrius, 250 ; Selene in P., 264 ; 
captured by Tigranes, 266 

Ptolemy (1), dynastic name of the Mace- 
donian kings of Egypt : — 

— house of, in 281 B.O., 128^; growth 
of its possessions over seas, 146 f. ; its 
use of native religion, ii. 156 

— I Soter I, becomes satrap of Egypt, i 
80 ; 81, 38, 34 ; repulses Perdiccas, 35 ; 
Seleucus flies to P., 49 ; the war with 
Antigonus tUl the battle of Gaza, 51-53 ; 
P. becomes king, 57 ; war with Antigonus 
till Ipsus, 58, 59 ; P. annexes Coele-Syria, 
61, 62 ; 63, 65 ; P. abdicates, 70 ; P.'s 
action on the coasts of Asia Minor, 113 ; 
118; receives divine honours, 126 ; takes 
Jerusalem, ii. 163 ; accused before 
army, 271 

— Keraunos, flies to Lysimachus and then 
to Seleucus, i. 70 ; murders Seleucus, 
78 ; accepted by the army, 74 ; attacked 
by Antigonus Gonatas and Antiochus I, 

128, 129 ; sells body of Seleucus, 131 ; 
makes peace with Antiochus, 132 ; killed 
by the Gauls, 186 ; his Illyrian war, 324 

Ptolemy II Philadelphus, made king, 70 ; 
marries daughter of Lysimachus, 71 ; 
destroys Gallic band, 142 ; his war with 
the Seleucids, 145-150, 173-175, 2341 ; 
156, 169 ^ ; makes peace with Antiochus 
II, 178, 179 ; his death, 183 ; 232, 235, 
297 ; P. polygamous t, 279 

— , commander at Ephesus, i 174, 175 

— Ill Euergetes I, his accession, i 183; 
his invasion of the Seleucid realm, 184- 
190, 287 ; makes peace with Seleucus II, ^ 
192 ; kills Laodice, 201, 328 ; has 
Hierax imprisoned, 202 ; his relations 
with Seleucus III and Antigonus Doson, 
204, 205 ; his power in Cilicia and 
Phoenicia, 235, 236 

— IV Philopator, his accession, i 302 ; 
his governor repels attack of Antiochus 
on Ccele-Syria, 306 ; his court alienates 
Theodotus, 313 ; defence of realm against 
Antiochus, 314-317 ; battle of Raphia, 
318, 319 ; peace with Antiochus, 320 ; 
influence of Rhodes at his court, ii 2 ; 
attempt to rescue Achaeus, 7 ; relations 
with Antiochus III and Philip till his 
death, 30 

— V Epiphanes, his accession, ii. 30 ; 
relation to other powers, 31 ; his 
dominions attacked by Antiochus III 
and Philip, 32-44 ; betrothed to Cleo- 
patra, 38 ; his relations with Antiochus 
** friendly," 51 ; his marriage, 57 ; offers 
help against Antiochus, 81 ; his death, 
184 ; his reputation as a hunter, 278 ; 
borrows court hierarchy from Seleucids 
(?), 281 

— VII Philometor, the war with Antochus 
IV, ii 134-136 ; becomes puppet of 
Antiochus, 137-142 ; joint -king with 
Euergetes, 142 ; attacked by Antiochus, 
143-145 ; receives Philip, 185 ; driven 
out by Euergetes and restored by Rome, 
189 ; his ambassador Menyllus, 190 ; 
detects attempt of Demetrius on Cyprus, 
208 ; sets up Alexander Balas in Syria, 
210-212 ; re-enters Syria with an army, 

219 ; invited to assume Seleucid diadem, 

220 ; his death, 221 

— VIII Philopator II, infant son of 
preceding II, 222 

— IX Euergetes II, elected by Alexandria, 
ii 136 ; his reign in Alexandria, 137- 
142 ; joint -king with Philometor, 142, 
see Ptolemy Philometor; gets Cyrene, 
189 ; expels Cleopatra II, 248 ; marries 
Cleopatra III, 248 * ; supports Alexander 
Zabinas, 249 ; reconciled with Cleopatra 
II, supports Grypos, 251 ; hia death, 



Ptdemy X Soter II, associated with his 
mother in the throne, 253 ; sends help 
to Cyzicenus, 266 ; intervenes in Pales- 
tine, 257 ; sends Demetrius III to Syria, 

— XI Alexander I, governs Cyprus, ii. 
254; ally of Grypos, 256; called by 
aeopatra III to Egypt, 257 

— XIII (Auletea), II 268 

— (2), the son of Lysimachus, i 128,' 
144 ; perhaps identical with the father 
of Berenice the high -priestess, 175,^ 178 

— (3), son of Agesarchus, iL 145^ 

— (4) Macron, of Megalopolis, iL 145 

— (5), governor of Commagene, ii. 167 

— (6), son of Dorymenes, iL 171, 178 

— (7), son of Abub, ii. 239 

— (8), son of ThraMas, iL 297 
Pydna, L 60 ; battle of P., iL 144 
Pyrrhua of Epirus, 1. 65, 69, 128, 133 ; 

Pythagoras^ Ptolemaic captain, i. 185 
Pythiades, governor of the ** Red Sea " 

province, i. 304, 305, 309 
Pythian Games, the, i. 189, 214 

Rahbath-Ammon (Philadelphia), L 317 

Ramaihaim, ii. 224 

Rambacia, L 273, 830 

RamUhay i. 226 

Raphia, L 317 ; battle of R., 318, 319 ; 
iL 57, 284-287 

Rhagae, i. 263, 264 ; iL 158 

Rhanda, L 291 

Rhauca, iL 47 

Rhinocclura, ii. 148 

Rhodes y its artistic school, L 15 ; expels 
Macedonian garrison, 32, 106 ; allied 
with Antigonus, 112 ; attacked by 
Demetrius, 58, 113 ; its syiioiJcismos 
voluntary, 114 ; R. and Seleucus II, 
195; R mother -city of Soli, 230; 
mediates between Ptolemy and Antiochus 
III, 314 ; its quarrel with Byzantium, ii. 
1, 2 ; Nicomachus, 8 ; place of R. in 
grouping of powers, 31 ; with Attains 
against Philip, 32, 33 ; invokes Rome, 
34 ; opposes advance of Antiochus III, 
40 ; policy of R. after Cynos-cephalae, 
41, 42 ; action of R. in Caria, 43 ; 
arbitration of R., 61 ; 63 ' ; its policy in 
191, 90, 91 ; co-operates with Romans, 
03, 95-99 ; the fight with the Phoenicians, 
102, 103; the fight oflf Corycus, 105, 
106 ; R. asks for liberation of Soli, 112 ; 
Rhodian traders protected, 114 ; R. 
escorts Laodice to Macedonia, 124 ; 
attempts to mediate between Antiochus 
IV and the Ptolemies, 140 ; mission of 
Gracchus in R., 196 ; Antiochus Sidetes 
in R. , 237. See Nicagoras, Pdyxenidasy 
Thcodotas, etc. 

Rhodobai€8 (1), L 158* 

Rhodogune, iL 242 

Rhoeieum, iL 95 

Rhossus, L 63, 218 

Rihlah, L 36 * 

Rome, its rdU in the history of Helleniim, 
L 14, 15 ; overwhelmed by the Gaib 
136 ; group of powers to which R. be- 
longs, ii. 32 ; its appearance in the Eist, 
33, 34; its war with Philip, 34-40; 
Lampsacus appeals to R., 45, 46; 
ambassadors of Antiochus III in R., 57- 
59 ; oligarchs in Greek states favounbk 
to R., 65 ; the war with Antiochus, Ti- 
ll 4 ; embassies from the Eaat bXs 
Magnesia, 116 ; position of R. in the Iisi 
after Magnesia, 120, 121 ; embasqr of 
Apollonius, 133 ; Ronuui missioi to 
Syria, 134 ; war with Perseus, 135, 142,^ 
144 ; emlMissy from Alexandria, 140 ; 
R. makes Antiochus evacuate ISgypt, 
144 ; embassy &om Antiochns, 145 ; 
embassy of Gracchus, 147 ; son (?) of 
Ariarathes IV educated in IC, 157 ; 
Roman mission in Palestine, 180 ; 
mission of Octavius, 185-187 ; enhassy 
from Lysias, 187 ; Demetrius in R, 188- 
193 ; second embassy of Graochna, 193 ; 
R. recognizes Timarchus as king, 194 ; 
embassy from Demetrius, 196 ; wiaing 
of Roman influence, 197, 198 ; alliance 
of R. with the Jews, 202, of. SCO ; 
appeal of Ariarathes V, 205 ; Demetrius 
sends Andriscus to R., 209 ; Alexander 
Balas in R., 209, 210; embassy iron. 
Jonathan, 229 ; embassy from Tryphou 
231 ; embassy from Antiochus Sidete^ 
241 ; R. sides with Grypos, 255 ; orden 
Cyzicenus to restore his conquests fron 
the Jews, 266 ; advance of R. in Asia 
Minor and Cilicia, 258 ; sons of Anti- 
ochus X in R, 268 ; R drives back 
barbarians from Asia Minor and Syria, 

Roxane, the queen of Alexander, L 20, 31, 

Sabinay the Empress, iL 268 

Sagalassus, L 92, 93, 166 

Salamis, in Cyprus, i. 185 

ScUhacuSy mountain, L 168 

SalganeuSf ii. 74 

Samaria, L 317 ; ii. 37, 164, 224, 249, 
256, 297 

Samaritans, the, iL 156, 164, 174, 249 

Simaii, the, iL 263 * 

tSaineSf king of Commagene, ii. 258 * 

Satnosyl 149, 150,* 162, 175.* 189»; iL 
29 ^ ; Ptolemaic forces ejected by Philip, 
32 ; 33 ; recovers its liberty, 42 ; friendly 
to Rome, 91 ; station for fleet, 96, 97, 
102, 104 



Samosata, i. 219, 220 

Samathrace, i. 126,« 159 ; iL 136 

SampsigerafMU, See ^lemath-geram 

SandrocoUus. See Chandragupta 

SardanapaUtu, Assyrian king, L 230 

SardiSy taken by Demetrios, i. 65 ; by 
Seleucos, 71; Alexander and S., 91'; 
Lysimachus at S., 119 ; capital of Asia 
Minor, 151, 159, 825 ; Eumenes I de- 
feats Antiochus I near S., 157 ; roads to 
Sardis, 164 f. ; court of Laodice and 
Hierax at S., 192, 198 ; court of Achaeus, 
311 ; besieged by Antiochus III, ii. 5- 
18; 89, 48, 93, 101, 104, 106, 110; 
surrenders to Rome, 111 ; in realm of 
Eumenes, 117 

Sarpedon, general of Demetrius II, ii. 

Sarpedoniwn, promontory, ii. 118 

Sarvsy river, ii. 52 

Searphetty ii. 85 

Scepsis, i. 112, 115, 119, 126 

Sciathos, ii. 69 

Scipio Aemilianus, Publius Cornelius 
(Africanus the younger), iL 188, 241 

— Africanus, Publius Cornelius, ii. 59 * ; 
consul for 191, ii. 80 ; accompanies his 
brother to Asia, 100 ; approached by 
Heraclides, 107; ill at Elaea, 108; 
receives envoys at Sardis, 111 

— Lucius Cornelius, commands against 
Antiochus as consul, ii. 100 ; writes 
to Prusias, 104 ; operations in Asia, 
108-111 ; returns home as Asiaticus, 

Seirtus, river, i. 221 

Scopas (1), the sculptor, i. 87 

— (2). the Aetolian, ii. 30, 86, 37, 163 
Scotussa, ii. 78, 79, 83 

fkylax of Caryanda, i. 243 

Scythia, u 24, 276, 284 ; S. cavalry in 
Daphne procession, ii. 146 ; Scythian 
mercenaries of Phraates, iL 247 ; of 
Antiochus III, 289 

Scythop^is, i. 316 ; ii. 183, 229, 256 

Selene, daughter of Ptolemy Euergetes and 
Cleopatra III, marries Ptolemy Soter, 
ii. 254 ; marries Grypos, 257 ; marries 
Cyzicenus, 259 ; marries >.ntiochus 
Eusebes, ib, ; holds out in Syria, 264 ; 
captured and killed by Tigranes, 266 ; a 
confusion of two Selenes ?, 304 

SeUuda (1), in Pieria, i. 208-210 ; captured 
by Ptolemy, 185 ; its magistrates, 223 ^ 
its city cults, 226 ; Stratonice at S., 237 
recaptured by Antiochus III, 312, 314 
ii. 52 ; strikes money, 152 ; inscription 
relating to cult of kings, 154'; Oro- 
phemes imprisoned there, 209 ; Demetrius 
II fixes his court there, 227, 233 ; An- 
tiochus Sidetes at S., 237 ; S. lepd koI 
A<n;Xos, 241 ; federation of addphoi 

demoi, 252 ' ; loyal to Antiochus Grypos, 
255 ; given autonomy, 256 ; maintains 
itself against Tigranes, 263 ; Apollo- 
phanes of S. See ApoUophanes (2) 
Seleucia (2) on the Tigris, L 253-255; 
capital of eastern provinces, 64 ; S. during 
rebellion of Molon, 303-305 ; its punish- 
ment by Hermias, 809 ; Antiochus III 
in S., iL 28, 24 ; its treatment of the 
Parthian governor, 248 ; punished by 
Phraates, 245. See Diogenes (2) and 


— (3) on Calycadnus, L 148, 185, 235 

— (4) in Pamphylia, L 148 

— (5) Sidera, L 165 

— (6) on Zeugma, L 220, 303 ; ii. 266 

— (7) on Hedyphon, L 255 

— (8) on "Red Sea," «. 

— (9) on Eulaeus, ib. 

— (10) on Pyramus, iL 151 

— (11), temporary name of Gadara {q,v,) 

— (12), temporary name of Tralles, (q,v. ) 
Sdeuds (Cappadocian), L 99 

— (Syrian), L 208, 216, 219,» 283 
SeUucobelus, L 216 

Sdeucus (1) I Nicator, his history till 
Alexander's death, L 30-32, 321 ; chili- 
arch, 34, 822 ; takes part in killing 
Perdiccas, 35 ; at Triparadisus, 36 ; 
satrap of Babylonia, 87-39, 42-48, 247, 
248 ; escapes to Egypt, 49 ; acta as 
officer of Ptolemy, 52 ; regains Babylonia 
and conquers the East, 58-57 ; Ipsus, 
59, 60 ; from Ipsus till death of S., 61- 
73 ; S. and native powers in Asia Minor, 
99 ; S. and Greek cities of Asia Minor, 
120-123 ; receives divine honours, 126 ; 
his power in Europe (?), 127 ; Philetaems 
and S., 130, 131, 156 ; Phila, daughter 
of S., 145 ; legend of his founding 
Selencia on Calycadnus, 148 ; respects 
freedom of Erythrae, 161 ; claimeid as 
founder of Thyatira, 167 ; founds the 
four cities of the Seleucis, 209-216; 
calls Bambyce Hieropolis, 218 ; his 
foundations on the Euphrates, 220 ; in 
Mesopotamia, 221, 222 ; presents 
Laodicea with Artemis Brauronia, 226 ; 
founds Seleucia-on-the-Tigris, 252, 253 ; 
consults Babylonian oracle, 256 ; colon- 
izes Media, 264 ; Parthia, 266 ; Aria (?), 
269'; his foundations not distinguish- 
able from those of Antiochus I, 279 ; 
causes Caspian and Jaxartes to be 
explored, 281-283 ; his invasion of 
India, 296 ; friendship with Chandra- 
gupta, 297 ; theory of his multiplying 
the number of satrapies unproved, 325 

— (2), son of Antiochus I, L 150,* 169 

— (3) II KaUinikos, his reign, 181-203 ; 
158,* 179, 826, 827 ; adds to Antioch, 
213 ; founds Kallinikon (?), 220 ; m- 



bellion of Stratonice, 236, 237 ; invasion 
of Ir&n, 288, 289 
Seleucus (4) III Soter, i. 203-205 

— (5) rV Philopater, designated for king of 
Thrace, iL 49, 51 ; operates in Aeolis, 94, 
96 ; attacks Pergamos, 99-101 ; his 
captureof young Scipio, 107 ; at Magnesia, 
109 ; flees to Apamea, 110 ; conveys 
com to Caria, 112 ; left as joint-king in 
Syria, 119 ; his reign, 120-125 

— (6) V, son of Demetrius II, iL 250 

— (7), son of Antiochus VII, iL 243, 245 

— (8) VI Epiphanes, his reign, iL 259, 

— (9), the Babylonian mathematician, i. 

Selge, L 93, 201 ; ii. 3 

Selinus, i. 148 ; iL 39 

Sdymbria, iL 49 

Sennacherib, Assyrian king, i. 252 

Seron, general of Seleucid forces, iL 176 ^ 

Settos, iL 82, 89, 95 

Shechem, ii. 178, 261 

Shenuuh - geram (Sampsigeramus), Arab 
chief, ii. 266, 267 

Shtuhan, See Stisa 

Sibyrtitts, satrap of Arachosia, L 271, 

SicUy, iL 66, 81, 264 

Side, iL 8, 102 ; batUe of S., 103 ; 236 

Sidon, before Macedonian conquest, L 6, 
229 ; held by Demetrius Poliorcetes, 61, 
63, 232 ; under Ptolemy, 235 ; refuge for 
Ptolemaic forces, 316 ; taken by An- 
tiochus III, ii. 37 ; coins under Antiochus 
IV, 152 ; held by Demetrius II, 228 ; 
obtains its freedom, 256 

Sigetmt, L 117 

sues, Seleucid commander in Penis, L 

SUpitu, mountain, L 211, 212, 214, 291 

*'SUver Shields,** the. L 34, 43-46, 247 ; 
u. 285 

Simon, the Hasmonean, in the wilderness 
of Tekoah, ii, 203 ; strategos of Ckfile- 
Syria, 228 ; garrisons Beth - sur and 
Joppa, 229 ; succeeds Jonathan, 230 ; 
miJces friends with Demetrius II, 231 ; 
beginning of independence, 232 ; demands 
of Antiochus Sidetes, death of S., 239 

Simonidea of Magnesia, epic poet, L 142 

Sinope, L 80, 153 ; IL 122 

Sippar, i. 250, 251 

Sirynca, i. 267 ; iL 20 

SiUace (Sittacene), L 255 

Smerdis, the False, i. 4, 286 

Smyrna, refounded by Antigonus, L 116 ; 

added to by Lysimachus, 120 ; member 

of Ionian Body, 150*; 158,» 160, 177, 

183'; a and Seleucus II, 188, 189, 

826 ; cbaoges its allegiance to Attslnft, 

199; it 2, i; defies Antiochus 111, 4kb 

50, 51, 63, 68, 90, 107 ; Alexander Balas 

discovered at S., 207 
Sogdiana, L 262, 263, 274277, 286 
Soli, L 185, 230, 231, 232, 235 ; iL 39, 

Solymi, the, L 83 
Sophagasenus, Indian king, iL 23 
Sophene, iL 119, 195, 263 
Sophron, governor of Ephesus, L 187, 188 
Sqphytes, Indian king, L 295 
Sosibius, prime minister of Ptolemy IV, i. 

320 ; iL 7 
Sosiphanes, ambassador of Antiochus IV to 

Rome, iL 141 
Sotira, L 269 
Sparta, L 88, 101, 222 ; U. 67, 229. See 

Spercheus, river, iL 83, 84 
SpHamenes, Ir&nian noble, father of 

Apama, i. 31 
Stam£nes, satrap of Babylonia, i. 37 ' 
Staaander, satrap of Aria, i. 270 
SUuanor of Soli, satrap of Aria, trans- 
ferred to Bactria, i. 268, 270, 277 
Stasis, L 265 

Strato, tyrant of Beroea, ii. 261 
Strakts Tower, ii. 264 
StnUonice (1), daughter of Demetrius 

PoUorcetes, L 62-64, 69, 121, 133, 145, 

169, 177, 227, 323 

— (2), daughter of preceding and Antiochus 
I, L 169, 173, 236, 237 

— (3), daughter of Antiochus II, L 172, 
202, 327 

— (4), daughter of Ariarathes IV, ii. 122 
Stratonicea (1) in Caria, L 166 ; iL 33, 


— (2), on Caicus, i. 168 

— (3) rpbs TV ToiJpv, L 167 * 

— (4) in Mesopotamia, L 222' 
SuUa, Lucius Cornelius, ii. 262 
Sulpicius, Publius, ii. 59, 60, 62 

Susa, L 31, 43, 44, 46, 48, 226, 244, 245, 
305, 309 

Su9iana, L 27, 46, 48, 55, 247, 251, 304, 
305, 309, 329 

Syennesis, Cilician chief, L 230 

Syracuse, ii. 62 

Syria, 206-237 ; 25, 27 ; Macedonian army 
in S. after death of Perdiccas, 35 ; Sl 
held by Antigonus, 51, 52, 58, 59 ; 
annexed by Seleucus, 61 ; Seleucid era 
used in S., 147 ' ; Seleucid kings not 
** Syrian," 151 ; operations of Ptolemaic 
force on Syrian coast, 185, 186 ; S. 
recovered by Seleucus II, 190 ; S. under 
Mazaeus, 245 ; authority of Harpalus 
extends to S., 246 ^ ; Seleucid Empire 
becomes kingdom of Syria, 115 ; Syria 
becomes Roman province, 267 
— ., CjQ^«, \Tv Tk»rc«^ ww» (,Al-Bik&'), L 




Syria, Coele (Palestine), invaded by Ptolemy 
in 312 B.C., L 52 ; reoccupied by Anti- 
gonus, 55 ; controversy between Seleucns 
and Ptolemy, 61, 62, 328 ; invaded by 
Seleucns II, 191 ; frontier dividing it 
from Selencid Syria, 208 ; invaded by 
Antiochus I (?), 234 ; controversy re- 
opened by Hermias, 302 ; attacked by 
Antiochus III, 305 ; attacked again, 
818 ; conquered and evacuated, 813-320, 
330 ; party favourable to Achaeus there, 
ii. 10 ; conquered again by Antiochus 
III, 32; Egyptian party, 127; Ccele- 
Syrian question reopened by Egypt, 
134, 135 ; organization of province, 163 ; 
governors of Ccele-Syria, 178, 218, 228, 
297 ; under authority of Cyzicenus, 
255 ; disappearance of Seleucid authority 
there, 257 ; was it Cleopatra's dowry t, 

Syrphax, tyrant of Ephesus, i. 89 ^ 

i^sinas, son of Datames, i. 80 

Tabae, iL 161 

Tabor, mountain, i. 316 

Tagae, iL 19 

Tambraca, iL 20 

Tapcj L 267 

Tapyri, i. 267 

TarerUum, ii. 62, 66 

Tarsus, L 66, 230-232 ; iL 132, 151 

Taurus, mountains, as frontier, i. 76 ; ii. 
Ill, 112 ; mountain tribes, L 66, 79, 93, 
94, 157, 185 ; iL 150, 261, 290 ; end of 
Taurus in Rough Cilicia, L 148 ; oro- 
graphical relation of T. to Northern 
Syria, 208 ; Mesopotamia watered from 
T., 219, 221 

Tavium, L 141 

Taxila, i. 294 

TaxiUs, Indian king, L 292, 293 

Tectosages, the, L 141, 198 

Tegea (1) in Greece, iL 149 

— (2) in Mesopotamia ?, i. 222 ' 

Tekoah, wilderness of, ii. 203 

TeUas, courtier of Antiochus III, iL 22 

TeUsarchus, commander in Seleucid service, 
L 136 

Tdmtssus, L 84 ; iL 116 

Temnv^, iL 4 

Tempe, L 208, 211 

Ten Thousand, the, L 8, 82 

Tenedos, L 103 ^ 

Teos, synoikismos with Lebedos, L 114, 
115 ; surrenders to Prepelaus, 117 ; 
synoikismos abortive, 119 ' ; 150,^ 163 ^ ; 
inclines to Attains, iL 2, 4 ; courted by 
Antiochus III, 47 ; 105 

Teredon, L 247 

Tereniius, Lucius, iL 50 

Tmdates, See Arsaces II 

TermesMus, I 93, 95 

Teuiamus, commander of the Silver Shields, 

L 43 
Tholes, the philosopher, L 231 
Thapsacus, L 220 
Thaumaci, iL 88 
Thebe, plain o^ iL 101 
Thebes (1), Boeotian, L 18 ; iL 75 

— (2), Egyptian, iL 268 

Themison, favourite of Antiochus II, i. 

ITtemisonium, L 139, 166 
ThenUstocles (1), the Athenian, i. 7 

— (2), officer of Achaeus, iL 4 
Theodoridas of Sicyon, condotliere, ii. 1 43 
Theodoias of Rhodes, captain in service of 

Antiochus I, i. 143 
Theodotus (1), " One-and-a-half," L 302, 
812, 315 

— (2), the Aetolian, L 306, 313-316, 318 ; 
iL 6 

Theris, envoy of Antiochus IV to Alexan- 
dria, iL 139 
ThemiopyUie, defence of T. against Gauls, 

i. 136, 324 ; battle of Antiochus at T., 

iL 84-86 
Thespias, Persian notable, L 290 
Thessalonice, daughter of Philip II, wife of 

Cassander, L 57, 64 
Thessaly, Demetrius attacks Cassander in 

T., i. 59 ; possessed by Lysimachus, 69 ; 

its conquest by Antiochus III, 78-80 ; 

recovery by Rome, 82, 88 
Thessalian colonists in Asia, i. 215 

— condoUien, L 317, 319 
TheA-prosopon, i. 315 

Thoas, straUgos of the Aetolians, iL 56, 66- 
69, 88, 111, 114 

Thorax of Larissa, friend of Antigonus, L 

Thrace, satrapy of Lysimachus, i. 80, 51 ; 
traversed by Gauls, 137 ; Antiochus II 
in T., 176 ; Seleucid domain in T. con- 
quered by Ptolemy III, 184, 186; 
Hierax in T., 202 ; Ptolemaic domain in 
T. assailed by Philip, ii. 32, 83 ; cam- 
paigns of Antiochus III in T., 48, 49, 
55 ; 89 ; Romans traverse T., 100 ; 
Thracian mercenaries employed by 
Calchedonians, i. 81 ; by young Ptolemy 
at Ephesus, 174 ; settled in Further Iran, 
280^ ; in army of Siles, 291 ; Thracian 
contingent in India, 294 ; in Ptolemaic 
army, 319 ; in army of Lysimachus (?), 
323 ; in Roman army, ii. 109 ; in Seleu- 
cid armies, 287 ; in army of Perseus, 
292 ; Thracian custom of dancing at 
feasts, iL 279 

Thronium, ii. 86 

Thujfs, prince of Paphlagonia, L 80 

Thyatira, L 167, 168 ; iL 95, 111 

Thynians, the, i. 81, 134, 137 




Tibareni, the, L 78, 79 » 

TigraneSy king of Armenia, conquers Meso- 
potamia, ii. 261^; occupies N. Syria, 

Tiffris, river, i. 26, 27 ; Eumenes on T. 
45 ; Assyrian country along T., 239 ; 
= Parapotamia, 252 ; founding of 
Seleucia, 253 ; fighting with Molon on 
T.. 303-806 

Tigranocertii, it 263 

Timarchus (1), the Aetolian, tyrant of 
MUetus, 174 

— (2) of Miletus, governor of eastern pro- 
vinces, ii. 132, 158, 194, 195 

Timotheua, petty dynast in Syria, ii. 
182 « 

Tio8, L 130, 134, 187 » 

TissaphemeSy Persian satrap, i. 90 

Tob, land ot ii 182 

Tobiah^ house of, iL 168, 170 

Tolistoagii, the, i 141, 178, 198; ii. 

TrcUUs, i. 112, 165, 166 ; ii 111,* 117 

TraUians, the (of Ulyria), ii. 109 

Trapezua, i. 153 

THcca, ii. 79 

Trieres, L 315 

Trioj)tan promontory, the, L 149 

Triparadi8U8t i. 35 ; Partition of T., 
87, 41, 42, 46, 267,« 268,» 270, 274, 

Tripolis, in Phoenicia, ii 152, 193 

Triptolanus, the Attic hero, i. 209, 212, 

Troad, the, i 115, 166, 168, 200 ; Livius 
in the T., ii. 95 ; Scipios in the T.,108 ; 
Hellespontine cities, 296 

Trocmiy the, i. 141 

Troglodyte country, the, i. 186 

Trj/phaerui, daughter of Ptolemy Euergetes 
II, wife of Antiochus Orypos, ii 251, 
254, 255 

Tryphon (Diodotus), governor of Antioch, 
ii. 214 ; turns against Balas, 220 ; pro- 
claims Antiochus VI in Apamea, 226 ; 
gains possession of Antioch, 227 ; shows 
favour to Jonathan, 228 ; makes Jonathan 
a prisoner, 229 ; attempts to invade 
Judaea, 230; elected king, 231, 272; 
war against T. prosecuted after departure 
of Demetrius, 233, 235 ; T. driven to his 
death by Antiochus Sidetes, 238 ; his 
tiUe, 302 

Tubal (people of Asia Minor), i. 78 

TychoHj archigraminaUua of army of Anti- 
ochus III, i 309 

Tylis, i 176 

Tylos^ island, ii. 24 

Typhon^ i 209 

Tyre, before Macedonian conquest, i 6 *, its 
destrvLciion by Alexander, 229 *, be\d b^ 
Demetritia Poliorcetes, 61, 63 *, \oat \>y 

Demetrius, 233 ; under Ptolemy, 235 ; 
delivered to Antiochus 313 ; 316 ; strikes 
Seleucid coins by 200 B.C., ii. 32 ^ ; re- 
ceives Hannibal, 53 ; festival of Heracles, 
133, 170 ; coins struck under Antiochus 
IV, 152 ; trial of Menelaus at T., 171 
ofierings sent to T. firom Carthage, 190 
T. held by Demetrius II, 228, 237 • 
Demetrius assassinated there, 250; T. 
given its freedom, 255. See ArisUm 
Tyrty Ladder of, ii. 228 

l/r, i 238 

Urhai, See Edessa 
Uruk, i. 238 
Uxilt the, i. 23 

Verrea, ii 264 
Veacupe, i 263 
Vaiius, Publius, u. 60, 59, 62, 66, 67 

Xanthii, the, i 284 

Xanthippus, Ptolemaic governor of the 

eastern provinces, i. 189, 287 
Xanihusy river, 83 ; city, i 84, 85, 94,^ 

148 ; ii 42 
XenaritiSt the architect of Antioch, i. 

XenocUst treasurer of Alexander, i. 282 
Xenodides, party leader in Chidcis, ii 74, 

XencUaSy Achaean condoUierCj i 304 
Xenofiy general in service of Antiochus III, 

i 302, 303 
XencphUuSf warden of Susa, i. 46, 48 
Xenophon, i 79, 82, 262 
Xerxes (1), the Persian king, i 88, 108, 

136, 241 

— (2), Armenian king, ii. 15, 16, 295 

Vamlik, Arab chief, ii. 220, 226 

Zabdibel, Arab chief, ii. 289 » 

Zabdiel, Arab chief, u. 221 

Zadracarta, i 267 

XagniSf mountains, i. 76, 308 

ZariadrU^ ruler of Sophene, ii 118, 119, 

ZaricupcL, See BaUra 
Zeno (1), founder of Stoicism, i 281 

— (2), of Tarsus, i 231 
Zenodotiuniy i. 220 

Zenodotiu of Mallus, philosopher, i 231 
ZenophaneSf Cilician chief, ii 207 
Zephyrium, ii 39 

Zeugma on Euphrates, i 220 ; ii 194 
Zeus, i 121,1 209 




Zeus Casius, i. 210, 226 

— Chrysaorena, i. 86, 166 

— Doliehenufl, L 227, 232 

— Herkeios, i. 108 

— Keraunios, i. 226 

— Olympius, ii. 148, 160, 166; at 
Jenualem, 173, 262 

— StratioB, iL 156 » 

— Xenios, ii. 174 

Zeuxis (1), satrap of Babylonia, i. 303- 
305, 807, 308, 312 

— (2), satrap of Lydia (perhaps identical 

with preceding), ii. 32, 33 ; at Magnesia, 

109 ; envoy to Romans, 111 
ZiaHlas, king of Bithynia, i. 173, 201 ; u. 

ZiboeUs (1), son of Bas, king of Bithynia, 

96, 98, 99, 123, 132134, 153 

— (2), son of preceding, L 134, 137 

— (3), son of Nicomedes I, L 173 
Ziboetium, L 132 

ZoroasUTf I 263 

Zoroattrianism, i. 269, 260, 263, 275, 
290, 291. See Avesta 


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Among the volumes in preparation are : 


A Narrative of Shipwreck, Captivity, and Escapes from 
French Prisons in 1204-14. 




By WILLIAM GRATTAN, Esq., late Lieutenant Connaught 


To be followed by 

JOURNAL OF T. S., a Soldier of the Tlst Regiment (High- 
land Light Inlantry), irom 1806 to 1815. 


sulat France, and the Netherlands, 1810-15. 

By Sir JOHN KINCAID. formerly Captain Rifle Brigade. 



By Captain A. CRAWFURD, R.N. 


in the York Hussars and the 20th Light Dragoons, 1794-1814* (Edited 
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THE SUBALTERN: Adventures in the Campaign of the 

Pyrenees, 1813-14* 

By C. R. GLEIG, late Lieutenant 85th Regiment. 




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